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Entangled peripheries. New contributions to the history of Portugal and Morocco

Beyond nationalism and colonialism

Moroccan Jews and the Lusophone World: Reciprocal Impact, 1774-1975

William G. Clarence-Smith

Résumé

Moroccan Jews played a vital role in the Lusophone world from the late eighteenth century. They initially settled in Lisbon, the Algarve, and the Azores, and then spread to Portugal’s African colonies and Amazonia. Out of all proportion to their small numbers, these educated and entrepreneurial migrants profoundly affected their hostlands. Especially prominent in trade and shipping, they were also involved in manufacturing, the service sector, and the professions. This paper tries to reconstruct the history of this small diaspora until the present day, with important names such as Bensaúde, Benchimol, Zagury or Amzalak. It also analyzes the effects of this process of emigration on Morocco, the homeland and occasionally the final destination of these Sephardic Jews.

Texte intégral

  • 1 William G. Clarence-Smith, “Sephardic Jews from Morocco in the Lusophone World, 1774-1975,” in Manu (...)

1Moroccan Jews played a vital role in the Lusophone world from the late eighteenth century. They initially settled in Lisbon, the Algarve, and the Azores, and then spread to Portugal’s African colonies and Amazonia. Out of all proportion to their small numbers, these educated and entrepreneurial migrants profoundly affected their hostlands. Especially prominent in trade and shipping, they were also involved in manufacturing, the service sector, and the professions.1

  • 2 Robert Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc à travers le monde : émigration et identité retrouvée (Paris : Suger (...)
  • 3 Fátima Sequeira Dias, Indiferentes à diferença: os Judeus nos Açores nos séculos XIX e XX (Ponta De (...)
  • 4 Susan G. Miller, “Kippur on the Amazon: Jewish Emigration from Northern Morocco in the Late Ninetee (...)

2 Little is known about the effects of this process of emigration on Morocco. Indeed, it is difficult to disentangle the influence of emigrants established in Portuguese-speaking lands, as opposed to the impact of those who settled elsewhere.2 Fátima Sequeira Dias, in her otherwise detailed and excellent treatment of the Jewish community in the Azores, neglected relations with their Moroccan homeland.3 Susan G. Miller pioneered research on returns, remittances, and investment from Latin America in Morocco, but she did not specifically cover flows from the Lusophone world.4

Patterns of Moroccan Jewish Emigration

  • 5 Robin Cohen, Global Diasporas: An Introduction (London: Routledge, 2008, 2nd ed.).
  • 6 Alfredo Bensaúde, Vida de José Bensaúde (Oporto: Litografia Nacional, 1936) 6-7.
  • 7 Daniel J. Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew: Morocco and the Sephardi World (Stanford: Stanford Universit (...)
  • 8 Jorge Afonso, “As relações entre Judeus, Mouros, e Turcos no espaço magrebino: a leitura de algumas (...)
  • 9 Abigail Green, Moses Montefiore: Jewish Liberator, Imperial Hero (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 201 (...)
  • 10 João Cosme, “Marrocos (1886-1894) visto a través da correspondência da legação portuguesa em Tânger (...)
  • 11 Susan G. Miller, A History of Modern Morocco (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 89.

3In the constitution of any diaspora, historians debate whether migrants were mainly “pushed” or “pulled”.5 Jews were subject to much official and popular discrimination in Morocco.6 The sultan’s traditional protection of “people of the book” fluctuated, and popular outbursts of antisemitism often occurred when a ruler died.7 Jews paid a heavy tax on unbelievers, faced restrictive sumptuary laws on travel and clothing, and usually lived in walled ghettos. However, they enjoyed religious autonomy and dispensation from military service.8 An English magnate, Sir Moses Montefiore, obtained a decree of Jewish emancipation from the sultan in 1864, winning global plaudits, although this was largely a public relations exercise.9 In reality, discrimination persisted into the late nineteenth century.10 There was a final pogrom in Fez in 1912, perpetrated by protesters against the establishment of a French protectorate.11

  • 12 Miller, “Kippur”, 195; Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, 38-9; Afonso, “As relações entre Judeus, Mouros (...)
  • 13 M. Mitchell Serels, A History of the Jews of Tangier in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (New (...)
  • 14 Jean-Louis Miège, “La bourgeoisie juive du Maroc au XIXe siècle : rupture ou continuité,” in Michel (...)

4 Poverty was another classic “push factor”, worsened by warfare and natural disasters.12 Periods of economic downturn correlated with surges in emigration, as in 1865 and 1873.13 That said, a newly educated middle class emerged in the nineteenth century, and even rural Jews speaking Amazigh (Berber) became more upwardly socially mobile. Moreover, “the sultan’s Jews” were wealthy and favoured, even if subject to their master’s whims. They were usually elite “Andalusians”, speaking Haketia, or Judaeo-Iberian, at home.14

  • 15 Bensaúde, Vida, 7.
  • 16 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc; Miller, “Kippur”, 193-194.
  • 17 Michael M. Laskier, The Alliance Israélite Universelle and the Jewish Communities of Morocco, 1862- (...)
  • 18 Serels, A History, 29-30.

5 Opportunities in the West were powerful “pull factors”, as the emancipation of Western Jews gained pace after the French Revolution.15 At the same time, the Industrial Revolution created business opportunities around the globe. Wealthy Moroccan Jews in Paris, London, Manchester, New York, and other major Western cities, acquired the nationalities of their hostlands.16 The skills of all Jewish emigrants from Morocco improved after 1862, because the Alliance Israélite Universelle set up a network of schools.17 As for the poorest emigrants, Jewish benevolent associations provided the cost of passage and supplied letters of recommendation.18

Early Migration to Portugal, 1770s to 1810s

  • 19 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 223.
  • 20 George Hills, Rock of Contention: A History of Gibraltar (London: Robert Hale, 1977), 227-228; Schr (...)
  • 21 Julio Caro Baroja, Los Judíos en la España moderna y contemporanea (Madrid: Ediciones Arión, 1961), (...)

6From as early as the seventeenth century, the Portuguese granted trading licences to Moroccan Jews on an individual basis, and this increased after the British occupation of Gibraltar in 1704.19 Moroccan Jews flocked to Gibraltar, despite provisions in the 1713 Anglo-Spanish treaty prohibiting the residence of Jews and Muslims.20 From there, Jewish traders cautiously entered Spain overland, officially converting back and forth between Judaism and Catholicism.21 Whether they reached Portugal is not recorded.

  • 22 C. D. Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal, from 1773 to 1902,” The Jewish Quarterly Review, 15, 2 (1 (...)
  • 23 Eva-Maria von Kemnitz, Portugal e o Magrebe, séculos XVII-XIX: pragmatismo, invasão, e conhecimento (...)
  • 24 Jorge Afonso, “Os Colaço e a política externa portuguesa em relação ao Magrebe: do tratado luso-mar (...)

7 Portugal gradually opened up under the Marquis of Pombal. He emasculated the Holy Office of Inquisition in 1773-1774, notably by prohibiting discrimination against “New Christian” converts to Catholicism.22 Following the evacuation of Mazagão (al-Jadida) in 1769, Luso-Moroccan treaties in 1774 and 1798, established freedom of navigation and trade.23 In 1813, a group of Gibraltar Jews even set out for Caldas da Rainha, to take the waters there.24

  • 25 Joseph B. Glass, Ruth Kark, Sephardi Entrepreneurs in Eretz Israel: The Amzalak Family 1816-1918 (J (...)

8 Nevertheless, Moroccan Jews remained careful about settling in Portugal. Typically, they came as British subjects, naturalized in Gibraltar. The English cemetery in Estrela, Lisbon, acquired a Jewish section from 1801, and the first surviving grave is that of an Amzalak (Amzalaga) child, dating from 1804.25

  • 26 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 265.
  • 27 Jean-Louis Miège, Chronique de Tanger, 1820-1830 : journal de Bendelac (Tangier : Éditions La Porte (...)
  • 28 Jorge Afonso, “Olhares portugueses sobre o Magrebe: mitos e realidades,” Cadernos de História, (Bel (...)
  • 29 Neville Chipulina, “1772 – the Benoliel family – Yahuda b. Ulil,” http://gibraltar-intro.blogspot.c (...)

9 The Peninsular War against France (1807-1814) presented the nascent community with a golden opportunity to consolidate its position. The authorities praised two Jewish firms, Moses Levy Aboale & Co. and Manoel Cardozo & Co., which brought vital supplies of wheat from Morocco in 1810.26 Aaron Nunez Cardozo, in Gibraltar, played a pivotal role in supplying the Iberian Peninsula from the Maghrib.27 Moreover, Jewish financial houses in Gibraltar, such as the Benoliel and the Hassan, provided vital loans to the cash-strapped Portuguese government, which often only reimbursed them after long delays.28 The immensely wealthy Judah Benoliel, from a Tetuani family, was a moving figure in this business, also acting as official Moroccan representative in Gibraltar.29

  • 30 Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, 44-45.
  • 31 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 265.
  • 32 Fátima Sequeira Dias, Uma estratégia de sucesso numa economia periférica: a casa Bensaúde e os Açor (...)
  • 33 Bensaúde, Vida, 6, 53-55.

10 Settlement in Portugal grew hesitantly.30 In 1813, the authorities tolerated the Sha‘ar ha-Shamayim (door of heaven) synagogue in Lisbon, under Rabbi Abraham Dalella.31 In late 1818 or early 1819, the first Moroccan Jews arrived in Ponta Delgada, on São Miguel Island in the Azores.32 Abraham Bensaúde (ha-Sib’oni), born in Rabat in 1790 and a trader in Mogador (al-Sawira), led this pioneer group.33

Portugal and the Atlantic Islands, 1820 to 1910

  • 34 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 257, 266.
  • 35 Bensaúde, Vida, 21.

11The 1820 liberal revolution signalled the opening of a new chapter for the Jews, who were now officially allowed to settle in Portugal, without needing to become British. A year later, in 1821, the Inquisition was finally abolished. The 1826 constitution granted the toleration of faiths other than Roman Catholicism for foreigners.34 Portugal was initially preferred as a destination to Spain, which only abolished the Inquisition in 1834.35

  • 36 Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, 45.
  • 37 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 266-270, 272.

12 The Lisbon community already numbered an estimated 500 to 600 Jews in 1825.36 A second synagogue opened in 1826. The cemetery in Estrela expanded unofficially, until Abraham Pariente acquired new land there in 1833. Another plot was purchased in 1865, and the 1868 decree authorizing its use to bury the dead of “the Jews of Lisbon” was greeted as the first official recognition of the community. A slaughterhouse, a kosher kitchen, and benevolent societies followed, albeit not special schools. There were some 600 Jews in Lisbon in 1900, and the Shaaré Tikvá (door of hope) synagogue opened officially in 1904.37

  • 38 Ângela S. Benoliel Coutinho, “Do Mediterrâneo ao Atlântico: comerciantes judeus de Marrocos e Gibra (...)
  • 39 Avraham Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2011), 32-33, 47.

13 Economic success, and growing social acceptance, became manifest from the 1860s. King Luís I (r. 1861-1889) declared “protection for all the Israelites of the Moroccan Empire” in February 1864, apparently in a personal capacity.38 In 1875, the King and Queen attended a charity concert organized by Mrs Harris Zagury, at a time when leading banks in Lisbon closed on Jewish high holidays. The Portuguese press was divided during the Dreyfus Affair in France (1894-1906), mostly backing Dreyfus, but with some Catholic and conservative titles opposing him.39

  • 40 Dias, Uma estratégia, 20-22.
  • 41 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 273-274.
  • 42 Bensaúde, Vida, 91-94.
  • 43 Serels, A History, 27.

14 The Faro kehilla (congregation) emerged in the Algarve in the early 1820s, with its own cemetery.40 By 1830, there existed a minyan, or prayer group. A synagogue was built in 1850, and a second one in 1860.41 In Lagos, the pioneering Abraham Bensliman, who died in 1845, financed fishing ventures, exported dried fruit, and owned three sailing ships. He paid for the building of a synagogue.42 Refugees from the Spanish-Moroccan War of 1859-1860 reinforced this Algarvian nucleus.43

  • 44 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 224.
  • 45 Dias, Uma estratégia.

15 Some Moroccan Jews prospered in the Azores, where the first synagogue opened in Ponta Delgada in 1836, with others following in Angra, Terceira, Horta, and Faial.44 Beginning as peddlers, Jews branched out into general trade, sailing ships, steamers, fishing, and coaling, and serviced American whalers. They marketed much of the archipelago’s oranges, pineapples, tobacco, tea, maize, and timber, with commercial links around the Atlantic Ocean. They bought urban and rural properties. They processed tea, manufactured cigars, canned fish, distilled alcohol, produced textiles, made paper, and repaired ships. They diversified into insurance, banking, tourism, and the professions. They obtained credit from Britain, and forged business and marital connections with Jews there.45

  • 46 Dias, Indiferentes, 27-28.
  • 47 João A. Martins, Madeira, Cabo Verde e Guiné (Lisbon: Livraria de A. M. Pereira, 1891), 6.
  • 48 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 274.

16 Communities elsewhere in Portugal were smaller. In Funchal, Madeira, Moroccan Jews leased land for a cemetery in 1850, and the Abudarham family did well for itself.46 One traveller, around 1890, recalled a delicious soirée in the picturesque house of Madame Buzaglo Abudarham, formerly of Lisbon’s “high society”.47 Small groups also existed in Évora and Oporto.48

  • 49 Ibíd., 268-271.
  • 50 Banco Lisboa e Açores, Banco Lisboa e Açores: elementos para a sua história (Lisbon: Casa Portugues (...)
  • 51 Martins, Madeira, 1.
  • 52 Filipe de Lima Mayer, Livro de família (Lisbon: Sociedade Astória Lda., 1969).
  • 53 Encyclopaedia Judaica (New York: Macmillan, 1971-1972) V, 934-935, 1009.

17 Moroccan Sephardim predominated, as Crypto-Jewish Marranos remained cautious and Ashkenazim immigrants were few, though business relations developed between groups.49 In 1875, the Casa Bensaúde co-founded the Banco Lisboa e Açores, one of the largest banks in Portugal, with two main partners.50 One was Ernst George, a Jewish shipping broker holding German nationality.51 The other was Lima Mayer e Filhos. According to the family history, the Lima were Ribatejo landowners, while the Mayer were probably Protestants from Lorraine.52 However, Mayer is a common Jewish name, and Lima can be Marrano.53

  • 54 Jorge Martins, “O moderno anti-semitismo em Portugal,” Vária Escrita: Cadernos de Estudos Arquivíst (...)
  • 55 Miller, “Kippur”, 192.
  • 56 Dias, Indiferentes, 160.
  • 57 Bensaúde, Vida, 91; Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews, 33, citing The Jewish Chronicle 15 Fe (...)
  • 58 Bensaúde, Vida, 63-64.

18 Jews kept a low social profile, probably to deflect antisemitism, which re-emerged timidly from the 1870s.54 Andalusians among them spoke Judaeo-Iberian, enabling them easily to learn Portuguese.55 They had no qualms about naturalizing as Portuguese subjects.56 Some still wore Maghribi dress in public as late as 1875, but this then died out.57 However, conversion to Catholicism, and marrying out of the community, were initially rare. Such events could tear families apart, as happened when Raquel Bensaúde married a Catholic in the Azores in 1854.58

  • 59 Glass, Kark, Sephardi Entrepreneurs, 50-53, 56-61, 84, 123-126.

19 A handful of Moroccan Jews turned to Zionism, albeit without altogether cutting ties to Portugal. Joseph Amzalak, based in Gibraltar, traded slaves to the Caribbean, but ceased this business when exhorted by a rabbi in Malta. Joseph then went to live in the Holy Land, where Moses, his wealthy brother from Portugal, joined him around 1841. Haim Nissim Amzalak, Joseph’s son, acted as honorary Portuguese consul in Jerusalem from 1871, and then in Jaffa from 1886 to 1892.59

Portugal’s Colonies to 1910

  • 60 M. Mitchell Serels, Jews of Cape Verde: A Brief History (New York: Sepher-Hermon, 1997); Coutinho, (...)
  • 61 Louise Werlin, “The Jews of Cape Verde,” in Karen Primack (ed.) Jews in Places you Never Thought of(...)
  • 62 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 226-227.
  • 63 Serels, Jews of Cape Verde, 43; Coutinho, Do Mediterrâneo ao Atlântico” 4; Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc(...)
  • 64 Donald Wahnon, “My Capeverdean Genealogical Account,” in Karen Primack (ed.), Jews in Places you Ne (...)

20The first Moroccan Jews in the colonies arrived as peddlers in the Cape Verde Islands, perhaps as early as the 1820s. They usually came as single men, staying less than five years. The Zagury family, from Mogador, became especially prominent, and a few grew coffee, exported from Santiago.60 They also dealt in hides and skins.61 Unusually, there were enough Jews in the main island, Santiago, to establish a prayer group, which met in the house of Mordechai Auday, who also ran a burial service.62 There were at least three Jewish cemeteries in the archipelago, and probably more.63 Children resulting from cohabitation with non-Jews were numerous, and some became prominent.64

  • 65 William G. Clarence-Smith, “The hidden costs of labour on the cocoa plantations of São Tomé and Prí (...)
  • 66 Francisco Mantero, A mão d’obra em S. Thomé e Principe (Lisbon: Annuario Commercial, 1910) Appendic (...)
  • 67 Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon (AHU) São Tomé e Príncipe, Pasta 509, Governor of São Tomé to (...)
  • 68 University of Birmingham, Cadbury Research Library, Cadbury Papers, 180/336, William Cadbury, 17 Ma (...)
  • 69 A. F. Nogueira, A ilha de S. Thomé, a questão bancaria no ultramar, e o nosso problema colonial (Li (...)
  • 70 AHU, São Tomé e Príncipe, Pasta 553, Governor of São Tomé to Minister, 19 May 1883.
  • 71 Arquivo Histórico de São Tomé e Príncipe, São Tomé, 1-a-C, 4, Direcção Geral do Ultramar to Governo (...)

21 Moroccan Jews were more apparent as planters in the two small but fertile islands of São Tomé and Príncipe, in the Gulf of Guinea, which briefly became the largest producer of cocoa in the world around 1905, on the basis of quasi-slave labour.65 The Amzalak, Azancot, Bensaúde, and Levy families owned estates in the islands by 1909.66 Salvador Levy was trading in São Tomé in 1876, and recruiting free Kru labour from West Africa during a labour crisis.67 A naturalized British subject from Gibraltar, Levy was the third largest exporter of cocoa from São Tomé in 1903.68 Isaac Amzalak was a pioneer cultivator of cinchona, the South American quinine tree.69 A British subject, Amzalak acted as administrator of the São Nicolau estate in 1883.70 His heirs owned the Praia Grande do Sul estate in 1900.71

  • 72 Aida Freudenthal, “Judeus em Angola, séculos XIX e XX,” Cadernos de Estudos Sefarditas, 4 (2004): 2 (...)
  • 73 J. M. Cerqueira de Azevedo, Angola: exemplo de trabalho (Luanda: Edição do Autor, 1958), 506, 508.

22 Ensconced in Angola from at least the 1860s, Moroccan Jews were active in trade, exploiting connections around the Atlantic Ocean. Isaac Zagury founded a company for steam navigation on the Cuanza (Kwanza) River in 1882, while the boom in wild rubber, from the 1880s to 1912, brought great prosperity to Salomão Bensaúde.72 The latter also prospected unsuccessfully for gold from 1884 to 1901.73

  • 74 Freudenthal, “Judeus em Angola”, 256-261.

23 The community in Angola was neither large nor stable enough to have a prayer group. Jews performed ceremonies in homes, rented burial plots in Christian cemeteries, and sent boys to be circumcised elsewhere. Many men cohabited with “women of the land”, and children from such unions were not considered to be Jewish.74

  • 75 Aida Freudenthal, “Moçambique (séculos XIX-XX),” in Lúcia L. Mucznik, José Alberto da Silva Tavim, (...)
  • 76 Mayer, Livro de família, 72; Coutinho, Do Mediterrâneo ao Atlântico”, 11.

24 A Jewish cemetery opened in 1880 in Lourenço Marques (Maputo), in the far south of Mozambique, suggesting that Moroccan Jews arrived a little before. From there, they gradually spread north.75 The Benchimol and Zagury families grew sugar to distil aguardente (rum) in the centre of the colony from around the 1890s.76

  • 77 [William] Gervase Clarence-Smith, The third Portuguese Empire, 1825-1975: A Study in Economic Imper (...)
  • 78 Freudenthal, “Judeus em Angola”, 252.
  • 79 A. da Silva Heitor, Cinquenta anos na vida de uma grande empresa: a C. N. N., pioneira da navegação (...)
  • 80 Clarence-Smith, The third Portuguese Empire, 96.

25 However, it was in steam navigation that Moroccan Jews made their foremost contribution to the Portuguese colonial economy. With their partners in the Banco Lisboa e Açores, the Bensaúde family set up the Empreza Nacional de Navegação (ENN) in 1881. Gaining protectionist tariffs and state subsidies for mail services, the ENN enjoyed a de facto monopoly, extending its services to Mozambique in 1903.77 The Benchimol family were Moroccan Jewish challengers, as Benchimol e Sobrinho began running steamers in 1872, for coastwise shipping.78 In 1891 the Empreza Benchimol operated four steamers from Portugal to Angola, and attempted to extend its services to Brazil.79 However, it failed to sustain itself, for lack of state support.80

Amazonia, 1820s to 1912

  • 81 Samuel Benchimol, Eretz Amazônia: os Judeus na Amazônia (Manaus: Valer, 1998).
  • 82 Egon Wolff, Frieda Wolff, Os Judeus no Brasil imperial (São Paulo: Universidade de São Paulo, 1975) (...)
  • 83 Judith L. Elkin, Jews of the Latin American Republics (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolin (...)

26Pioneers from Morocco settled in the Amazon, which some saw as a promised land.81 Emigration began soon after the declaration of Brazilian independence in 1822. By 1826, there was a Sephardic synagogue in Belém do Pará, seemingly the Sha‘ar ha-Shamayim (gate of heaven), and a second one was built in 1828.82 Brazil openly welcomed Jews during the reign of Emperor Dom Pedro II (r. 1841-1889), a scion of the Portuguese royal family, who was an avowed philosemite.83

  • 84 Barbara Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 1850-1920 (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1983), 5 (...)
  • 85 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 233.
  • 86 P. Le Cointe, L’Amazonie brésilienne (Paris : A. Challamel, 1922), II, 408.

27 Moroccan Jews initially acted as peddlers in the Amazon, competing fiercely with Portuguese and other rivals.84 Given local conditions, they peddled from boats.85 They were accused of exploiting the ignorant local population, although antisemitic stereotypes informed such reports.86

  • 87 Dias, Uma estratégia, 30.
  • 88 William G. Clarence-Smith, Cocoa and Chocolate, 1765-1914 (London: Routledge, 2000), 105-106, 109-1 (...)
  • 89 Bensaúde, Vida, 64-65.

28 Early immigrants came via Lisbon or the Azores, rather than directly from Morocco.87 The economy of the Amazon was dominated by the collection of wild cocoa till the 1870s, and old trading links with Portugal persisted, due to the winds and currents that regulated sailing across the Atlantic.88 Among the migrants was Joaquim Bensaúde, a son of the leader of the community in the Azores. Arriving in about 1840, he set up a commercial house in Oeiras on the Amazon, though he did not prosper. He died in 1856 in Pará, aged only 37.89

  • 90 Jeffrey H. Lesser, “(Re)creating Ethnicity: Middle Eastern Immigration to Brazil,” The Americas, 53 (...)
  • 91 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 233.
  • 92 Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 51; Wolff, Os Judeus no Brasil imperial, 267, 270.

29 A new wave entered the Amazon after the Spanish-Moroccan War of 1859-1860.90 Increasingly, they boarded steamers in Tangier heading directly for South America, without setting foot in Portuguese territory. While still mainly originating from northern Morocco, more now came from the centre of the country.91 Many successful families in Amazonia were also well represented in Portugal and its African colonies, for example, the Benoliel, Benchimol, Zagury, and Amzalak.92

  • 93 Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 58.
  • 94 Wolff, Os Judeus no Brasil imperial, 267; Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 233-234.
  • 95 Samy Katz, “Un regard juif sur l’exotisme : Peretz Hirschbein au Brésil, 1914,” Cahiers du Brésil C (...)
  • 96 Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 287 (n45).

30 During the wild rubber boom of 1879-1912, immigration boomed, and traders followed the river system into Hispanic America.93 Moroccan Jews become increasingly hard to detect, as the Brazilian Republic facilitated naturalization from 1889. Many Jews took out Brazilian papers, while the wealthiest became British or French.94 It was estimated that there were 3,000 to 4,000 Sephardic Jews in Pará in 1914, who “monopolised” the internal rubber trade.95 The latter claim was an exaggeration, as some 17 out of 30 aviador firms in Pará belonged to Jews.96

  • 97 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 233.
  • 98 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 234; Katz, “Un regard juif”, 38.
  • 99 Miller, “Kippur”, 204-205.
  • 100 Katz, “Un regard juif”, 38.

31 Social life in the Amazon varied according to wealth, education, and the size of local communities.97 A new synagogue, the Beit Yaacov (house of Jacob), was built in Manaus in 1889, and Belém do Pará had a Jewish cemetery in 1914.98 Outside such cities, it was difficult to maintain a regular religious and communal life. Yom Kippur, the Day of Atonement, became the major annual event for poor Jewish peddlers scattered through the vastness of the Amazon Basin. On that day, Jews came together to pray for forgiveness for not eating kosher foods, for marrying local women without undergoing Jewish rites, and for not celebrating other high holidays.99 While there was some assimilation into Brazilian society, Sephardim were famed for keeping socially apart from Gentiles.100

Retreat from the Lusophone World

  • 101 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, passim; Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews, 11-12.
  • 102 Dias, Indiferentes, 71.
  • 103 Doris Bensimon-Donath, Évolution du judaïsme marocain sous le protectorat français, 1912-1956 (Pari (...)

32Fewer Moroccan Jews entered the Lusophone world from the early twentieth century, and many of those already there moved elsewhere.101 Some families that remained converted to Catholicism, assimilating into local populations, as in the Azores.102 A few Jews returned to Morocco, as the French protectorate, established in 1912, afforded them enhanced personal security and improved economic prospects.103

  • 104 Dias, Uma estratégia, 28.
  • 105 Bensaúde, Vida, 47.
  • 106 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 234; Freudenthal, “Judeus em Angola”, 254-255.
  • 107 Clarence-Smith 1985: chapters 5-6.
  • 108 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 225.

33 This reversal of fortune in the Lusophone world reflected economic trends. Decline in the economy of the Azores was already well under way by the late nineteenth century, influencing the Casa Bensaúde to move its headquarters to Lisbon in 1873.104 By the 1930s, only 26 rather poor Jews remained in the island of São Miguel.105 The collapse of the global boom in wild rubber, in 1912, badly affected communities in both the Amazon and Angola.106 Moreover, the Portuguese Republic, declared in 1910, inaugurated a period of economic turbulence. A military coup stabilized the economy after 1926, but António de Oliveira Salazar’s conservative policies slowed growth.107 Although the 1960s marked a quickening of prosperity, young Jewish men shunned military service in colonial wars.108

  • 109 Clarence-Smith, The third Portuguese Empire, 126-127, 155-157, 204.
  • 110 Freudenthal, “Judeus em Angola”, 264-265.
  • 111 Freudenthal, Moçambique”.
  • 112 Werlin, “The Jews of Cape Verde”, 121.
  • 113 Wagner Lins, “‘A mão e a luva’: Judeus marroquinos em Israel e na Amazônia: similaridades e diferen (...)

34 Withdrawal was also marked beyond Europe. In 1918, the ENN became the Companhia Nacional de Navegação, and the concomitant increase in capital diluted the Bensaúde stake.109 The Moroccan Jews who remained in Angola after 1912 tended to eschew business, entering the administration and the professions.110 A synagogue opened in Lourenço Marques in 1921 but it was seemingly Ashkenazi, reflecting the arrival of Lithuanian Jews from Southern Africa since the 1890s.111 In the Cape Verde Islands, Moroccans left only a few gravestones and traditions, as witnesses to their former presence.112 They remained a distinct community in Amazonia, but were less prominent than before.113

  • 114 Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews, 10-12, 15, 27-31, 34-35, 41-42, 53, 92-95.
  • 115 Mário Saa, A invasão dos Judeus (Lisbon: Imprenta Libano da Silva, 1925) 164-165.

35 The outflow from the Lusophone world also reflected menacing socio-political trends, even though Portuguese Republicans began on an idealistic note. They separated church and state in 1911, and fully officially recognized Judaism for the first time. A handful of Moroccan Jews became politically prominent, some of whom were Catholic converts. Marranos were openly encouraged to re-assert their old identity. In 1912-1913, the Republicans proclaimed that diasporic Jews outside Portugal could claim citizenship, if their ancestors had been expelled from the country. In the same years, parliamentarians debated the creation of a Jewish homeland in the central highlands of Angola.114 A Zionist association emerged in Lisbon in 1911, presided over by Alfredo Bensaúde.115

  • 116 Martins, “O moderno anti-semitismo em Portugal”, 291-293, 296-311.
  • 117 Saa, A invasão dos Judeus.
  • 118 Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews, 50-51.
  • 119 Martins, “O moderno anti-semitismo em Portugal”, 291-293, 296-311.

36 However, virulent antisemitism quickly surfaced under the Republic. António Sardinha, influenced in such beliefs by Charles Maurras of the French right-wing political movement Action Française, was one of the foremost leaders of the monarchist Integralismo Lusitano movement, from 1914 till his death in 1925. Mário Paes Teles da Cunha e Sá, writing under the pen name of Mário Saa, published inflammatory tracts in 1921 and 1925.116 Strangely, Moroccans featured less than a dozen times in the latter work, which concentrated on denouncing hundreds of alleged “New Christians”.117 Avraham Milgram argues that Sardinha and Saa were isolated figures, with little or no influence.118 But even if no mass antisemitic movement emerged, these ideas clearly resonated strongly in Catholic and conservative circles. Indeed, Jorge Martins argues that the Republic marked the zenith of modern antisemitism in the country.119

  • 120 Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews, 11, 13, 53-54.
  • 121 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 225; Glass, Kark, Sephardi Entrepreneurs, 191.
  • 122 Irene Flunser Pimentel, Judeus em Portugal durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial (Lisbon: A Esfera dos L (...)

37 Milgram further asserts that dictatorial Portugal after 1926 was completely free of antisemitism. Omitting any mention of censorship and the secret police, he states that a 1937 publication, penned by the Moroccan Jew Adolfo Benarus, only criticised antisemitism in other countries.120 To be sure, Salazar never openly discriminated against Jews, and had been friendly, since his student days, with Moíses Bensabat Amzalak (1892-1978), leader of Lisbon’s Jewish community from 1926 to 1977.121 Salazar further allowed European Jews to flee Nazi persecution through Portugal from 1938, and permitted Jewish relief organizations to operate in the country during World War II.122

  • 123 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 225.
  • 124 Tom Gallagher, Portugal: A Twentieth-Century Interpretation (Manchester: Manchester University Pres (...)

38 Contrary to Milgram’s arguments, however, Catholic movements were significant propagators of a particular kind of religious antisemitism under Salazar. They particularly resented Artur Barros Basto, a convert to Judaism married to Léa Azancot, who encouraged Marranos to revert to Judaism.123 The Catholic Action movement harassed Basto, and had him court-martialed for the “immorality” of promoting circumcision. In 1938, A Voz, a Catholic daily, reacted harshly to the inauguration of Oporto’s Mekor Haim (fountain of life) synagogue.124

  • 125 Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews, 12-15, 35-37, 64-65.

39 Indeed, Milgram provides much evidence that contradicts his thesis. He even admits at one point that the Salazarist regime “was not devoid of antisemitism”. He notes that refugees could not settle in Portugal, and that Salazar did not seek to use Portuguese raw materials as a bargaining chip to save Jews under Nazi control. Moreover, Salazar revoked the Republic’s quixotic offer of naturalization to diasporic Jews of Portuguese origin. Gushing praise for Nazi Germany appeared in 1935 in O Século, a leading newspaper that was, ironically, co-owned by Moíses Bensabat Amzalak. Max Azancot, of Moroccan origins, complained in 1939 that Paulo Cumano, head of the immigration services run by the secret police, was discriminating against Portuguese Jews as though they were foreign.125

  • 126 Martins, “O moderno anti-semitismo em Portugal”, 292, 312-335.
  • 127 Dias, Indiferentes, 376-379.

40 Martins further notes how anti-Semitic writings flourished under the dictatorship. In one of these tracts, it was claimed that there were 2,600 Jews with Portuguese citizenship, whereas Benarus estimated their numbers at only 1,000. Despite the victory of the Allies in 1945, and the revelations of Nazi extermination camps, some antisemitic tendencies persisted to 1974, and indeed beyond.126 Jews in Portugal were thus uneasy under Salazar.127

  • 128 Robert M. Levine, “Brazil’s Jews During the Vargas Era and After,” Luso-Brazilian Review, 5, 1 (196 (...)
  • 129 Peter Flynn, Brazil: A Political Analysis (London: Ernest Benn, 1978) 71-74, 87-88, 271, 305 (n. 13 (...)

41 Brazil experienced similar contradictions. Getúlio Vargas, who imposed authoritarian rule from 1930 to 1945, prevented further Jewish immigration. Although he did not personally espouse antisemitism, he allowed such propaganda to flourish. One leading intellectual in 1934 approvingly cited Saa’s Portuguese diatribes.128 The Ação Integralista Brasileira, formed in 1932, adopted antisemitism as part of its ideology. The fictitious but widely publicized “Communist Cohen Plan” justified a hardening of the regime’s repressive policies in 1937. Many of the leading figures in the military regime of 1964 to 1985 had political roots in the antisemitic agitation of the 1930s.129

Persistent Social Links with Morocco

  • 130 Lesser, “(Re)creating Ethnicity”, 50; Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 233.

42Jews in the Lusophone world tended to downplay social links with their homeland. And yet, migrants typically left as single males, and commonly arranged marriages in Morocco. For wealthier individuals, this could be an occasion to return in person for an extended visit. As successful migrants generally married well, weddings became a powerful stimulus for further emigration.130

  • 131 Miller, “Kippur”, 198-199.
  • 132 M. Mitchell Serels, “Aspects of the Effects of Jewish Philanthropic Societies in Morocco”, in Yedid (...)
  • 133 Serels, A History, 18-20, 68, 116, 121, 261-262.

43 The flow of remittances to Morocco grew in tandem with emigration. Money was sent partly to families, and partly to charitable institutions.131 A web of Jewish philanthropic societies existed in Morocco, and emigrants provided some of their funds.132 Families in Tangier with Lusophone links gave generously, such as the Abecassis, Azancot, Buzaglo (Abuzaglo), and Toledano. The establishment of the Hôpital Benchimol in Tangier was perhaps the most famous example of this phenomenon.133

  • 134 Miller, “Kippur”, 196-197, 205 (quote).
  • 135 Miller, “Kippur”, 191-192, 205-206; Freudenthal, “Judeus em Angola”, 257; Coutinho, Do Mediterrâne (...)
  • 136 Lesser, “(Re)creating Ethnicity”, 50-51.

44 Many Jews engaged in circulatory chain migration. Indeed, returns became more common as steamers took over much of the maritime traffic, making travel cheaper, quicker, more diversified, and more secure. For migrants to Latin America, Susan G. Miller goes so far as to state that return was “almost always guaranteed”.134 First-generation migrants were particularly prone to return, although the evidence comes from communities in Africa and Brazil, where fear of disease may have caused higher rates of repatriation.135 Brazil was known as a “country of sickness”, and migrants aimed to return to Morocco after seven or eight years.136

  • 137 Serels, A History, 230 (n88), 267.

45 An unusual case was that of Joseph Benoliel. Born in Tangier in 1858 into a wealthy family, he was educated in an Alliance Israélite Universelle school, and then at university level in Paris. He taught for a while in a school in Jaffa, Palestine, and moved to Lisbon to teach and translate from 1881 to 1921, becoming internationally respected. He retired to Tangier till his death in 1936, acting for a time as Portuguese vice-consul in al-Qsar al-Kabir.137

Economic and Political Opportunities in Morocco

  • 138 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 265.
  • 139 Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, 121, 148.

46Jews acted as go-betweens in Luso-Moroccan trade from the outset, notably during the Peninsular War.138 At that time, Moroccan sultans needed to be carefully coaxed into agreeing to trade with the infidel, and Jews were indispensable intermediaries. Thus, Masud Macnin, an elevated “Sultan’s Jew” in Mogador, acted as Portuguese and Spanish consul till his death in 1831.139

  • 140 Serels, A History, 29, 33, 61, 118.
  • 141 Afonso, “Os Colaço”, 185.
  • 142 Mohammed Kenbib, “Les relations judéo-musulmanes au Maroc aux XIX-XXèmes siècles,” in Carmen Balles (...)
  • 143 Afonso, “Os Colaço”, 184-185; Lesser, “(Re)creating Ethnicity”, 51.
  • 144 Kenbib, “Les relations judéo-musulmanes”, 168.

47 Growing numbers of Moroccan Jews held foreign papers in the nineteenth century, with Portuguese and Brazilian documents prominent.140 In 1863, some Jews complained to the Portuguese consul about high-handed official actions, resulting from the Moroccan-Spanish War of 1859-1860.141 Portugal courted Jews as clients, and stoutly defended protection in the negotiations leading up to the Madrid Conference of 1880.142 Portuguese subjects also took up consular roles for Brazil, and there were over 600 Brazilian Jews by the 1900s.143 However, Marshal Hubert Lyautey, the first French Resident-General, sought to strip people of dubiously acquired foreign citizenship after 1912.144

  • 145 Mohammed Kenbib, Juifs et Musulmans au Maroc, 1859-1948 : contribution à l’histoire des relations c (...)
  • 146 Cosme, “Marrocos”, 281.
  • 147 Kenbib, Juifs et Musulmans au Maroc, 245 (n134).

48 In the 1890s, Portuguese and Brazilian Jewish protégés, drawing on their commercial relations with Gibraltar, were singled out in protests about sharp practices.145 Isaac Benasayay was accused of illegally importing arms to sell to rebellious tribes in 1893. A prosperous tobacco trader, he was a naturalised Brazilian, but the Portuguese consul cared for him, for lack of a Brazilian colleague in post.146 According to a French document of 1894, returning migrants used trade as a smokescreen for money-lending, an accusation that reflected antisemitic prejudices.147

  • 148 Afonso, “Olhares portugueses sobre o Magrebe”, 151-152.
  • 149 Serels, A History, 258.
  • 150 Cosme, “Marrocos”, 287.
  • 151 Laskier, The Alliance Israélite Universelle, 69; Serels, A History, 78.
  • 152 David Lambert, Notables des colonies : une élite de circonstance en Tunisie et au Maroc, 1881-1939 (...)

49 Some Jews prospered in commerce, in part through their Portuguese connections. Around 1900, J. A. Levy e Companhia, A. D. Benchimol, and J. Toledano largely controlled the trade of Portugal with the Maghrib.148 Among the major traders of Tangier were Sasson and Moise Azancot, the latter of whom were founding members of the International Chamber of Commerce in the city.149 Nissin Zagury, naturalised Portuguese, traded in Casablanca in 1893.150 Various foreign firms, notably German and British shipping companies, benefited from local Jews with Lusophone connections.151 The Établissements Braunschweig of Casablanca, an Alsatian Jewish concern, originated in a partnership of 1875 with a Portuguese-protected Jew, Salomon Buzaglo.152

  • 153 Bensaúde, Vida, 93-94.
  • 154 José D. Colaço, Viagem de Sua Magestade el Rei o Senhor Dom Fernando a Marrocos: seguido da descrip (...)
  • 155 Serels, A History, 160, 276.
  • 156 Kenbib, “Les relations judéo-musulmanes”, 169.

50 The Portuguese connections of the Hassan family were particularly old and strong, as Samuel Hassan of Gibraltar married his first wife in Lisbon in the 1810s.153 When the king consort of Portugal stayed in Tetuan on a private visit in 1856, Abraham Hassan, as Portuguese vice-consul, hosted him in his own house in the walled Jewish quarter.154 The family moved to Tangier in 1895, and founded the Banque Hassan. During the Second World War, Joe Hassan, who held Portuguese citizenship, presided over the Jewish Junta of the city.155 He sought to persuade Spanish dictator Francisco Franco to intervene with Adolf Hitler to moderate the Holocaust.156

  • 157 Miège, “La bourgeoisie juive”, 33-34.
  • 158 Miller, “Kippur”, 199.
  • 159 Miller, “Making Tangier Modern”, 135-137, 1490, 145.

51 Jews of Lusophone orientation further invested in real estate and construction. Probate inventories from the 1860s to the 1890s reveal substantial funds tied up in land, much of it urban, with the Benchimol family to the fore.157 Jewish construction projects included modern department stores.158 In Tangier from the early 1900s, Salomon Buzaglo invested heavily in building the up-market Rue d’Italie, while the Toledano brothers developed the Boulevard Pasteur. The Benelbas and Bendahan families, Tetuani returnees from Latin America, created the prestigious Rue de Tétouan.159

52The contribution of such Jews to the incipient, and generally underestimated, manufacturing sector largely remains to be explored. A straw in the wind is that one Azaguri (Zagury) was a “businessman and industrialist” in Tangier, although the nature of his enterprise is not specified. 160In 1900, Salomon Benoliel was associated with Hayush Benasuli in a factory for construction materials. Jews were also prominent in the city’s dynamic tobacco factories from at least the 1880s.161

Conclusion

53Jews from Morocco clearly played significant roles in the nineteenth-century Lusophone world, and the achievements of heroic individuals have been duly recognized. However, historians have tended to stress social assimilation, thus downplaying the community’s diasporic characteristics. The independence of Brazil has also tended to conceal the multiple connections between the community in the Amazon and those in Portugal and its colonies.

54 The twentieth-century retreat of Moroccan Jews from the Lusophone world has attracted less attention, perhaps because this was a slow, partial, and often contradictory process. It remains unclear how Jews reacted to relative economic decline in the twentieth century. Debates also rage as to the degree of antisemitism displayed by authoritarian Portugal and Brazil, and yet they have scarcely informed understandings of Jewish patterns of migration.

55 Least researched of all is the impact of Jewish emigrants on Morocco. A stress on assimilation, in part to deflect antisemitism, concealed persistent ties to their homeland. The establishment of the French and Spanish protectorates, from 1912 to 1956, may have encouraged Jews to return home, but this issue is hardly ever raised. More research is therefore required as to who kept contact with Morocco, and why, and when, and with what consequences.

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Notes

1 William G. Clarence-Smith, “Sephardic Jews from Morocco in the Lusophone World, 1774-1975,” in Manuel Sílvio Alves Conde, Margarida Vaz do Rego Machado, Susanna Serpa Silva (eds.) Percursos da história: estudos in memoriam de Fátima Sequeira Dias (Ponta Delgada: Nova Gráfica, 2016), 195-208.

2 Robert Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc à travers le monde : émigration et identité retrouvée (Paris : Suger, 2008).

3 Fátima Sequeira Dias, Indiferentes à diferença: os Judeus nos Açores nos séculos XIX e XX (Ponta Delgada: Universidade dos Açores, 2007).

4 Susan G. Miller, “Kippur on the Amazon: Jewish Emigration from Northern Morocco in the Late Nineteenth Century,” in Harvey E. Goldberg (ed.) Sephardi and Middle Eastern Jewries: History and Culture (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1996) 190-209; Susan G. Miller, “Making Tangier Modern: Ethnicity and Urban Development, 1880-1930,” in Emily B. Gottreich, Daniel Schroeter (eds.) Jewish Culture and Society in North Africa (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2011) 128-149.

5 Robin Cohen, Global Diasporas: An Introduction (London: Routledge, 2008, 2nd ed.).

6 Alfredo Bensaúde, Vida de José Bensaúde (Oporto: Litografia Nacional, 1936) 6-7.

7 Daniel J. Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew: Morocco and the Sephardi World (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002), 108.

8 Jorge Afonso, “As relações entre Judeus, Mouros, e Turcos no espaço magrebino: a leitura de algumas fontes europeias dos séculos XVIII e XIX,” Lusitania Sacra, 27, 1 (2013): 107-113; Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, 88-93, 107.

9 Abigail Green, Moses Montefiore: Jewish Liberator, Imperial Hero (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2010), 311-316.

10 João Cosme, “Marrocos (1886-1894) visto a través da correspondência da legação portuguesa em Tânger,” in Mohammed Salhi (ed.), Marruecos, España, y Portugal, 1880-1996: hacia nuevos espacios de diálogos (Rabat: Faculdad de Letras y Ciencias Humanas, 1999), 269-312, p. 286.

11 Susan G. Miller, A History of Modern Morocco (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 89.

12 Miller, “Kippur”, 195; Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, 38-9; Afonso, “As relações entre Judeus, Mouros, e Turcos”, 110.

13 M. Mitchell Serels, A History of the Jews of Tangier in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (New York: Sepher-Hermon, 1991), 29.

14 Jean-Louis Miège, “La bourgeoisie juive du Maroc au XIXe siècle : rupture ou continuité,” in Michel Abitbol (ed.) Judaisme d’Afrique du Nord aux XIXe et XXe siècles : histoire, société et culture (Jerusalem : Institut Ben-Zvi, 1980), 25-36, p. 32-33.

15 Bensaúde, Vida, 7.

16 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc; Miller, “Kippur”, 193-194.

17 Michael M. Laskier, The Alliance Israélite Universelle and the Jewish Communities of Morocco, 1862-1962 (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1983).

18 Serels, A History, 29-30.

19 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 223.

20 George Hills, Rock of Contention: A History of Gibraltar (London: Robert Hale, 1977), 227-228; Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, 43-44.

21 Julio Caro Baroja, Los Judíos en la España moderna y contemporanea (Madrid: Ediciones Arión, 1961), III, 185-187.

22 C. D. Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal, from 1773 to 1902,” The Jewish Quarterly Review, 15, 2 (1903): 251-274, p. 260.

23 Eva-Maria von Kemnitz, Portugal e o Magrebe, séculos XVII-XIX: pragmatismo, invasão, e conhecimento nas relações diplomaticas (Lisbon: Ministerio dos Negocios Estrangeiros, 2010), 237-238, 260.

24 Jorge Afonso, “Os Colaço e a política externa portuguesa em relação ao Magrebe: do tratado luso-marroquino de 1774 aos finais do século XIX,” in Carmen Ballesteros, Mery Ruah (eds.) Os Judeus sefarditas entre Portugal, Espanha e Marrocos (Lisbon: Colibri, 2004), 179-187.

25 Joseph B. Glass, Ruth Kark, Sephardi Entrepreneurs in Eretz Israel: The Amzalak Family 1816-1918 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991) 188-189.

26 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 265.

27 Jean-Louis Miège, Chronique de Tanger, 1820-1830 : journal de Bendelac (Tangier : Éditions La Porte, 1995), 203-204.

28 Jorge Afonso, “Olhares portugueses sobre o Magrebe: mitos e realidades,” Cadernos de História, (Belo Horizonte), 12, 16 (2011): 144-146; Afonso, “Os Colaço”, 182-184.

29 Neville Chipulina, “1772 – the Benoliel family – Yahuda b. Ulil,” http://gibraltar-intro.blogspot.co.uk/2013/08/1772-benoliel-family-yahuda-bulil.html (2013; Consulted 28 April 2018).

30 Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, 44-45.

31 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 265.

32 Fátima Sequeira Dias, Uma estratégia de sucesso numa economia periférica: a casa Bensaúde e os Açores, 1800-1871 (Ponta Delgada: Ribeiro e Caravana, 1999).

33 Bensaúde, Vida, 6, 53-55.

34 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 257, 266.

35 Bensaúde, Vida, 21.

36 Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, 45.

37 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 266-270, 272.

38 Ângela S. Benoliel Coutinho, “Do Mediterrâneo ao Atlântico: comerciantes judeus de Marrocos e Gibraltar no arquipélago de Cabo Verde (1860 – 1900),” em Colóquio Internacional Judeus e Cristãos-Novos no Mundo Lusófono, Lisbon, 2-4 December 2015, 1.

39 Avraham Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2011), 32-33, 47.

40 Dias, Uma estratégia, 20-22.

41 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 273-274.

42 Bensaúde, Vida, 91-94.

43 Serels, A History, 27.

44 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 224.

45 Dias, Uma estratégia.

46 Dias, Indiferentes, 27-28.

47 João A. Martins, Madeira, Cabo Verde e Guiné (Lisbon: Livraria de A. M. Pereira, 1891), 6.

48 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 274.

49 Ibíd., 268-271.

50 Banco Lisboa e Açores, Banco Lisboa e Açores: elementos para a sua história (Lisbon: Casa Portuguesa, 1940).

51 Martins, Madeira, 1.

52 Filipe de Lima Mayer, Livro de família (Lisbon: Sociedade Astória Lda., 1969).

53 Encyclopaedia Judaica (New York: Macmillan, 1971-1972) V, 934-935, 1009.

54 Jorge Martins, “O moderno anti-semitismo em Portugal,” Vária Escrita: Cadernos de Estudos Arquivísticos, Históricos, e Documentais, 11 (2004): 295-298.

55 Miller, “Kippur”, 192.

56 Dias, Indiferentes, 160.

57 Bensaúde, Vida, 91; Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews, 33, citing The Jewish Chronicle 15 February 1875.

58 Bensaúde, Vida, 63-64.

59 Glass, Kark, Sephardi Entrepreneurs, 50-53, 56-61, 84, 123-126.

60 M. Mitchell Serels, Jews of Cape Verde: A Brief History (New York: Sepher-Hermon, 1997); Coutinho, Do Mediterrâneo ao Atlântico”.

61 Louise Werlin, “The Jews of Cape Verde,” in Karen Primack (ed.) Jews in Places you Never Thought of (Hoboken, NJ: KTAV, 1998), 121.

62 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 226-227.

63 Serels, Jews of Cape Verde, 43; Coutinho, Do Mediterrâneo ao Atlântico” 4; Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 226.

64 Donald Wahnon, “My Capeverdean Genealogical Account,” in Karen Primack (ed.), Jews in Places you Never Thought of (Hoboken, NJ: KTAV, 1998), 124-129.

65 William G. Clarence-Smith, “The hidden costs of labour on the cocoa plantations of São Tomé and Príncipe, 1875-1914,” Portuguese Studies, 6 (1990): 152-172.

66 Francisco Mantero, A mão d’obra em S. Thomé e Principe (Lisbon: Annuario Commercial, 1910) Appendices.

67 Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon (AHU) São Tomé e Príncipe, Pasta 509, Governor of São Tomé to Minister, 30 March 1876.

68 University of Birmingham, Cadbury Research Library, Cadbury Papers, 180/336, William Cadbury, 17 March 1903.

69 A. F. Nogueira, A ilha de S. Thomé, a questão bancaria no ultramar, e o nosso problema colonial (Lisbon: Jornal As Colonias Portuguezas, 1893) 63-64.

70 AHU, São Tomé e Príncipe, Pasta 553, Governor of São Tomé to Minister, 19 May 1883.

71 Arquivo Histórico de São Tomé e Príncipe, São Tomé, 1-a-C, 4, Direcção Geral do Ultramar to Governor of São Tomé, 9 March 1900.

72 Aida Freudenthal, “Judeus em Angola, séculos XIX e XX,” Cadernos de Estudos Sefarditas, 4 (2004): 245-255.

73 J. M. Cerqueira de Azevedo, Angola: exemplo de trabalho (Luanda: Edição do Autor, 1958), 506, 508.

74 Freudenthal, “Judeus em Angola”, 256-261.

75 Aida Freudenthal, “Moçambique (séculos XIX-XX),” in Lúcia L. Mucznik, José Alberto da Silva Tavim, Esther Mucznik, Elvira de Azevedo Mea (eds.), Dicionário do Judaísmo português (Lisbon: Presença, 2009), 368-369.

76 Mayer, Livro de família, 72; Coutinho, Do Mediterrâneo ao Atlântico”, 11.

77 [William] Gervase Clarence-Smith, The third Portuguese Empire, 1825-1975: A Study in Economic Imperialism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985), 95-97.

78 Freudenthal, “Judeus em Angola”, 252.

79 A. da Silva Heitor, Cinquenta anos na vida de uma grande empresa: a C. N. N., pioneira da navegação commercial (Lisbon: CNN, 1968), 11.

80 Clarence-Smith, The third Portuguese Empire, 96.

81 Samuel Benchimol, Eretz Amazônia: os Judeus na Amazônia (Manaus: Valer, 1998).

82 Egon Wolff, Frieda Wolff, Os Judeus no Brasil imperial (São Paulo: Universidade de São Paulo, 1975), 267.

83 Judith L. Elkin, Jews of the Latin American Republics (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1980), 44.

84 Barbara Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 1850-1920 (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1983), 50-52; 57-59; Miller, “Kippur”, 196.

85 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 233.

86 P. Le Cointe, L’Amazonie brésilienne (Paris : A. Challamel, 1922), II, 408.

87 Dias, Uma estratégia, 30.

88 William G. Clarence-Smith, Cocoa and Chocolate, 1765-1914 (London: Routledge, 2000), 105-106, 109-110, 115-116, 169-172.

89 Bensaúde, Vida, 64-65.

90 Jeffrey H. Lesser, “(Re)creating Ethnicity: Middle Eastern Immigration to Brazil,” The Americas, 53, 1 (1996): 45-65, p. 50.

91 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 233.

92 Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 51; Wolff, Os Judeus no Brasil imperial, 267, 270.

93 Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 58.

94 Wolff, Os Judeus no Brasil imperial, 267; Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 233-234.

95 Samy Katz, “Un regard juif sur l’exotisme : Peretz Hirschbein au Brésil, 1914,” Cahiers du Brésil Contemporain, 19 (1992) : 38.

96 Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 287 (n45).

97 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 233.

98 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 234; Katz, “Un regard juif”, 38.

99 Miller, “Kippur”, 204-205.

100 Katz, “Un regard juif”, 38.

101 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, passim; Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews, 11-12.

102 Dias, Indiferentes, 71.

103 Doris Bensimon-Donath, Évolution du judaïsme marocain sous le protectorat français, 1912-1956 (Paris : Mouton, 1968).

104 Dias, Uma estratégia, 28.

105 Bensaúde, Vida, 47.

106 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 234; Freudenthal, “Judeus em Angola”, 254-255.

107 Clarence-Smith 1985: chapters 5-6.

108 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 225.

109 Clarence-Smith, The third Portuguese Empire, 126-127, 155-157, 204.

110 Freudenthal, “Judeus em Angola”, 264-265.

111 Freudenthal, Moçambique”.

112 Werlin, “The Jews of Cape Verde”, 121.

113 Wagner Lins, “‘A mão e a luva’: Judeus marroquinos em Israel e na Amazônia: similaridades e diferenças na construção das identidades étnicas” (PhD Thesis: Universidade de São Paulo, 2010)

114 Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews, 10-12, 15, 27-31, 34-35, 41-42, 53, 92-95.

115 Mário Saa, A invasão dos Judeus (Lisbon: Imprenta Libano da Silva, 1925) 164-165.

116 Martins, “O moderno anti-semitismo em Portugal”, 291-293, 296-311.

117 Saa, A invasão dos Judeus.

118 Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews, 50-51.

119 Martins, “O moderno anti-semitismo em Portugal”, 291-293, 296-311.

120 Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews, 11, 13, 53-54.

121 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 225; Glass, Kark, Sephardi Entrepreneurs, 191.

122 Irene Flunser Pimentel, Judeus em Portugal durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial (Lisbon: A Esfera dos Livros, 2006).

123 Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 225.

124 Tom Gallagher, Portugal: A Twentieth-Century Interpretation (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983), 92-93; Martins, “O moderno anti-semitismo em Portugal”, 292, 317-322.

125 Milgram, Portugal, Salazar, and the Jews, 12-15, 35-37, 64-65.

126 Martins, “O moderno anti-semitismo em Portugal”, 292, 312-335.

127 Dias, Indiferentes, 376-379.

128 Robert M. Levine, “Brazil’s Jews During the Vargas Era and After,” Luso-Brazilian Review, 5, 1 (1968): 47-54.

129 Peter Flynn, Brazil: A Political Analysis (London: Ernest Benn, 1978) 71-74, 87-88, 271, 305 (n. 131), 307 (n. 157), 322, 326.

130 Lesser, “(Re)creating Ethnicity”, 50; Assaraf, Juifs du Maroc, 233.

131 Miller, “Kippur”, 198-199.

132 M. Mitchell Serels, “Aspects of the Effects of Jewish Philanthropic Societies in Morocco”, in Yedida K. Stillman, Norman A. Stillman (eds.) From Iberia to Diaspora: Studies in Sephardic History and Culture (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 108-111

133 Serels, A History, 18-20, 68, 116, 121, 261-262.

134 Miller, “Kippur”, 196-197, 205 (quote).

135 Miller, “Kippur”, 191-192, 205-206; Freudenthal, “Judeus em Angola”, 257; Coutinho, Do Mediterrâneo ao Atlântico”.

136 Lesser, “(Re)creating Ethnicity”, 50-51.

137 Serels, A History, 230 (n88), 267.

138 Bethencourt, “The Jews in Portugal”, 265.

139 Schroeter, The Sultan’s Jew, 121, 148.

140 Serels, A History, 29, 33, 61, 118.

141 Afonso, “Os Colaço”, 185.

142 Mohammed Kenbib, “Les relations judéo-musulmanes au Maroc aux XIX-XXèmes siècles,” in Carmen Ballesteros, Mery Ruah (eds.), Os Judeus sefarditas entre Portugal, Espanha e Marrocos (Lisbon: Colibri, Associaçao Portuguesa de Estudos Judaicos, CIDEHUS-UE, 2004), 159-170, p. 165.

143 Afonso, “Os Colaço”, 184-185; Lesser, “(Re)creating Ethnicity”, 51.

144 Kenbib, “Les relations judéo-musulmanes”, 168.

145 Mohammed Kenbib, Juifs et Musulmans au Maroc, 1859-1948 : contribution à l’histoire des relations communautaires en terre d’Islam (Rabat : Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, 1994) 300-308.

146 Cosme, “Marrocos”, 281.

147 Kenbib, Juifs et Musulmans au Maroc, 245 (n134).

148 Afonso, “Olhares portugueses sobre o Magrebe”, 151-152.

149 Serels, A History, 258.

150 Cosme, “Marrocos”, 287.

151 Laskier, The Alliance Israélite Universelle, 69; Serels, A History, 78.

152 David Lambert, Notables des colonies : une élite de circonstance en Tunisie et au Maroc, 1881-1939 (Rennes : Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2009), 130; Serels, A History, 90, 213 (n94), 270; Miller, “Making Tangier Modern”, 137.

153 Bensaúde, Vida, 93-94.

154 José D. Colaço, Viagem de Sua Magestade el Rei o Senhor Dom Fernando a Marrocos: seguido da descripção da entrega da Grão Cruz da Torre Espada ao Sultão Sid Mohammed (Tangier: Imprensa Abrines, 1882), 37-38, 43, 57.

155 Serels, A History, 160, 276.

156 Kenbib, “Les relations judéo-musulmanes”, 169.

157 Miège, “La bourgeoisie juive”, 33-34.

158 Miller, “Kippur”, 199.

159 Miller, “Making Tangier Modern”, 135-137, 1490, 145.

160 Serels, A History, 283-295.

161 Francisco Javier Martínez, “Higiene y cuestión social en espacios urbanos: los proyectos regeneracionistas de Felipe Óvilo en Tánger y Madrid, 1886-1906,” Scripta Nova, 18, 493 (28) (2014), 13. [Consultation: 23 December 2018]

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