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Entangled peripheries. New contributions to the history of Portugal and Morocco

Introduction

Francisco Javier Martínez

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  • 1 We have just found out four publications, all of them in the form of conference proceedings: Mohamm (...)

1As a researcher longtime specialized in Morocco and only recently based in Portugal, I have been struck by the modest public and academic attention that the former country attracts in the latter, despite their having always been close Atlantic neighbors, with Lisbon now a little over an hour away by plane from Tangier, Casablanca or Saïdia. The history of Luso-Moroccan relations does certainly have an institutional base, with research groups, publications and meetings on both sides of the Strait. The latter, for example, have been held on a regular basis in the last 20 years. Sometimes they have focused on the larger Iberian-Moroccan relations, such as the ones organized at the University Mohamed V of Rabat in 1998 (Marruecos, España y Portugal, 1880-1969. Hacia nuevos espacios de diálogo) and the University of Algarve in Faro in 2000 (Portugal, Espanha e Marrocos. O Mediterráneo e o Atlántico) or the two editions of the joint conference Magreb & Ibéria. Do confronto à cooperação held in Tetouan in 2009 and Porto in 2016. Other times they have dealt exclusively with Portuguese-Moroccan issues, such as the series of Coloquios de Historia Luso-Marroquina organized by the Centro de História de Além-Mar (CHAM) of the Nova University of Lisbon in partnership with various Moroccan and Portuguese institutions in Casablanca (2005), Lagos (2006), Marrakech (2007), Lisboa (2008), al-Jadida (2009), Lagos (2010), Fez (2013), Mértola (2014), Asilah (2017) and Guimarães (2018). Two other conferences with the same topic were also held at the Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences of the University of Agadir in 2005 and 2017. The regularity and reciprocity of meetings have, however, contrasted sharply with the irregular and unsystematic record of publications1.

2Regarding the content of research, large historiographical gaps hinder the study of Portuguese-Moroccan relations. Only certain classical periods and topics are an exception to this. Much attention has been paid, for example, to the peninsular rule of the Almoravid and Almohad dynasties of the 11th-13th centuries, and even more to the events running from the Portuguese conquest of Ceuta in 1415 to the battle of Ksar el-Kebir in 1578. Such interest is easy to understand: there lied the ultimate roots of the early modern and modern Portuguese and Moroccan monarchies and states, emerging from the military clashes in south European and north African soil, and from the respective overseas and trans-Saharan expansion with which each one sought to strengthen itself against the other. Specific topics such as the Almohad architecture in Portugal, the conquest of the Algarve, the expedition of João I to Ceuta, the Portuguese fortifications of Safim and Mazagão, the rise of the Saadi dynasty, the Portuguese and Jewish soldiers, settlers and merchants in the occupied Atlantic enclaves or the defeat of Dom Sebastião in the battle of the Three Kings have been the object of countless studies. The readers will find a shortlist of key archival sources and bibliographic references about them in the contributions of José Alberto Tavim, Filomena Barros, Youssef Akmir and Jean-Pierre Molénat, who deal more or less directly with one or several of those topics in this volume.

  • 2 António Jorge Afonso, “Portugal e o Magrebe nos finais do Antigo Regime” (MA Thesis: Universidade d (...)
  • 3 See, for example, the multi-volume works: João Medina (Dir.) História contemporánea de Portugal, 13 (...)
  • 4 See, among others, Charles-André Julien, Le Maroc face aux impérialismes, 1415-1956 (Paris: Édition (...)

3By contrast, investigations on the modern Luso-Moroccan relations are clearly insufficient. Recent contributions in Portugal by António Jorge Afonso, Eva-Maria von Kemnitz, Fátima Sequeira Dias or Mohamed Nadir, among others, have been unable to fill in the gap, despite their quality2. A similar thing could be said of Moroccan historiography, in which the work on the classical periods by senior figures such as Ahmed Boucharb and Othman el-Mansuri – brilliantly summarized by Youssef Akmir in chapter 5 of this volume – has not been accompanied by a similar research effort for the 19th-20th centuries. As a result, Morocco is virtually absent from histories of modern Portugal, with the main exception of the transfer of Mazagão back to the Alawite sultanate in 17693. Similarly, general histories of modern Morocco written by local and international authors lack almost any reference to Portuguese actors and events4. This is especially true with regard to the key issue of the so-called “Moroccan question” of the 19th century. We know little, if anything, about the eventual diplomatic, military and economic competition of Portugal against other European empires for the colonization of its southern neighbor. Conversely, there is little research on the Alawite sultans’ policy in relation to Portugal during the 19th century, namely, its specific military, diplomatic, economic or cultural objectives when compared with other, more powerful European nations.

  • 5 Bénédicte Zimmermann, “Beyond Comparison: Histoire Croisée and the Challenge of Reflexivity,” Histo (...)
  • 6 Eliga H. Gould, “Entangled Histories, Entangled Worlds: The English-Speaking Atlantic as a Spanish (...)
  • 7 Francisco Javier Martínez, “Salud pública e imperio en la España isabelina (1833-1868): el caso de (...)

4The main aim of this volume is to explore the continuity of Luso-Moroccan relations before and, especially, after the classic period of the 11th-16th centuries. For this purpose, we need tools to account for the contradiction between the millenary resilience of contacts and exchanges and their limited significance for both sides of the Strait outside that classic period. We have coined the concept of “entangled peripheries” to try to address such paradox. The first term of this concept refers to the recent historiographical current labeled “entangled history”, also known as “histoire croisée5. As Eliga H. Gould has put it, “entangled histories are concerned with ‘mutual influencing’, ‘reciprocal or asymmetric perceptions’ and the intertwined “processes of constituting one another”6. As a result, they take the circulation of people, ideas, objects and practices as basic units of analysis of historical events, providing a methodological alternative to nationalism. Historical agency is thus placed in the relation between societies and not in the successive results of that relation (i.e. absolute monarchies, nation-states). Thanks to this, entangled history serves, on the one hand, to identify both supra- and infra-national actors, as well as their insertion in regional and global/transnational networks and processes. On the other hand, it helps to break the dichotomist division between metropoles and colonies by placing both within a single analytic frame, the empire, understood not as a metropolitan emanation but as a transversal entity in whose configuration were involved, despite the evident asymmetries, both Western and non-Western actors7. Finally, it favors long-durée studies, because entanglement “often occur in contiguous societies” whose geographical proximity is a secular constant.

5It is precisely the close vicinity between the Iberian Peninsula and the Maghreb which forms the background of the resilient interconnection between the histories of Morocco and Portugal (and Spain). The zenith of entanglement was reached during the classic period of the 11th-16th centuries, when increasing exchanges and conflicts between the societies at the Western extreme of the Mediterranean basin helped to shape Portugal and Morocco (and Spain) as states that became direct predecessors of those in existence today. In earlier and later periods, cross-strait relations remained there, however, despite their more reduced intensity and significance. For example, the first three centuries of Muslim rule over the Iberian Peninsula and North Africa saw – as Helena de Felipe argues in chapter 7 of this volume – a “constant flow of individuals and groups” moving between the Umayyad Emirate and the Maghreb territories under Idrisid and Fatimid rule. Similarly, from the 17th century, Luso-Moroccan relations materialized, among other things, in commercial exchanges (cereals, cattle, wine), conflicts (the Rif War of 1921-27) and scientific circulation (eucalyptus plantations in the 1940s and 1950s), as shown by William Clarence-Smith, Francisco Javier Martínez and Ignacio García-Pereda in their respective chapters of this volume.

  • 8 See, for example: Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System (New York: Academic Press, 1974); R (...)

6To account for the significant historical variations in the intensity and impact of persistent cross-strait relations, we have combined the concept of entangled history with that of “periphery”. We take periphery in a very general sense to denote the distance and dependence of a given society from historical processes in which others play a leading role. Thus, we do not subscribe here the hard dichotomy center-periphery, so much in vogue in the 1950s and 1960s8, which is incompatible with an entangled history approach. On this basis, it is possible for entangled societies to have their relations less conditioned by reciprocal interaction than by the influence of distant regional, international and global actors and processes. This would have been the case for “Portugal” and “Morocco” before and after the 11th-16th century period – we are aware the use of those terms makes no historiographical sense before. If the expansion of Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Romans or Arabs in the Western Mediterranean boosted cross-strait relations, these were nevertheless secondary to the connections of each shore with the centers of power to the East. Similarly, from the 17th century, the histories of Portugal and Morocco became increasingly conditioned by international processes, such as the rise of central and north European state-nations and their empires, the independence of American colonies, the two world wars, the creation of the European Union or the Cold War. Thus, the very recent mobilization of Morocco’s collective memory of the Portuguese conquests for literary purposes studied by Driss Essounani in chapter 6 has been fueled more by regional factors (the Arab Spring), than by a revival of bilateral relations.

7There is yet another sense in which we use the term periphery to qualify entangled history. The dependence and subordination of Luso-Moroccan relations from external processes often resulted in the protagonist role being played by marginal actors of both sides of the Strait. That is why several chapters in this volume deal with religious minorities, migrants, mercenaries and even spies, while focusing as well in secondary areas and localities of each territory. Thus, José Alberto Tavim studies the settlement and activities of expulsed Portuguese Jews in the occupied enclaves of the Atlantic coast of Morocco, while William Clarence-Smith follows those of migrant Moroccan Jews in Portugal and Portuguese colonies; Filomena Barros’ chapter deals with moriscos captured or purchased in the Moroccan enclaves and settled in Setúbal, a small port south of Lisbon; Francisco Javier Martínez reconstructs the participation of Portuguese mercenaries in an armed conflict in northern Morocco, most of them Alentejo peasants, urban proletarians or anti-republican insurgents exiled in Spain; and Helena de Felipe investigates the mostly forgotten diplomatic and espionage actions of agents sent by the Umayyad rulers of Córdoba to the Maghreb.

8We believe, thus, that the concept of “entangled peripheries” can provide a fertile standpoint to revisit the history of neglected periods of Luso-Moroccan relations. In this volume, this is probably more evident for topics of the 18th-20th centuries, but contributions dealing with the medieval and early modern periods provide, for example, the characteristic long durée perspective. Other distinctive elements of our suggested approach are transversal throughout the book, such as the circulations and networks of people and objects, and the supranational and local actors and processes. To put the focus on one of them in particular, we have grouped the chapters in three sections: “Marginal circulations”, “Facts, histories, fictions” and “Beyond nationalism and colonialism”. The first one comprises case-studies of the circulations of small, socially ostracized groups of people between the 15th and the 20th centuries. José Alberto Tavim focuses on the Jews who were obliged to leave Portugal at the end of the 15th century by royally-sanctioned ecclesiastic prosecution, but managed to become decisive economic and cultural mediators in the conquest and maintenance of the Portuguese enclaves in the southern Atlantic coast of Morocco, where they reproduced their modes of urban settlement. Filomena Barros studies a group of moriscos living in Setúbal in the 1550s, most of them having been purchased as slaves in Safim and Mazagão, and how they were prosecuted by the renewed campaign launched by the Portuguese Inquisition against Muslim (and Jewish) converts. Finally, Francisco Javier Martínez reconstructs the participation of a thousand Portuguese soldiers in the ranks of the Spanish Foreign Legion during the so-called Rif War of 1921-27 – which confronted Spain and France with insurgents in northern Morocco – despite the fact that Portugal was not involved in that conflict, as well as the actions taken by the Portuguese Red Cross to provide them with medical care and moral comfort.

9The secular entanglement between Portugal and Morocco was materially enacted, at all historical periods, by displacements of individuals in both directions of the Strait of Gibraltar. The examples presented in this first section are all of marginal circulations, though in two different ways. In the case of Portuguese Jews and Moroccan moriscos, their displacement was actually embedded in sizeable movements of people, which included, on the one hand, Portuguese capitães, soldiers, merchants, priests, workers and women who went to Morocco and, on the other hand, Moroccan Jews, merchants, elite officials and slaves who settled in the occupied enclaves, some eventually moving or being transferred to Portugal. The 15th and 16th centuries were probably the moment in which the circulation of people, goods, institutions or ideas between Portugal and Morocco was most intense in relative terms in history and, as expected, it took place between important localities of both territories, including the capitals Lisbon and Fez. By contrast, the circulation of Portuguese legionnaires towards the Rif War in the 1920s was doubly marginal, in the sense that those men were social and political outsiders and that they were part of a very reduced displacement of people between the two countries – as had been usual since the late 18th century. Both legionnaires and other groups (fishermen, unskilled workers) came and went between marginal regions in both countries (i.e. Alentejo, Algarve, Rif).

10The third section of this volume, “Beyond nationalism and colonialism”, also explores circulations, but its chief aim is to examine how regional, imperial and global processes shaped and overshadowed to a great extent the bilateral relations across the Strait of Gibraltar before and after the classic period of the 11th-16th centuries. Helena de Felipe’s chapter deals with the espionage missions carried out by several agents in the context of the sustained tensions between the Umayyad Emirate of Córdoba and various Maghreb dynasties in the 9th-11th centuries. Ultimately, however, such tensions derived from the aspiration of the successive Abbasid and Fatimid caliphates to bring both the Western Maghreb and the Iberian Peninsula back under a unified Islamic rule. William Clarence-Smith studies the diaspora of Moroccan Jews in the modern Portuguese empire, both in the metropolitan territory, Madeira and the Azores and in the American and African colonies. This diaspora was actually a minor, badly-known part of the general mobilization of Ottoman and North African Sephardic Jews towards Western European countries and their empires as well as towards the new American republics that occurred during the 19th and 20th centuries. Finally, Ignacio García-Pereda investigates the global rise of eucalyptus, the Australian tree whose economic potential turned it into an object of desire for many European and American countries before being eventually decried due to its negative ecological impact. Portugal and Morocco became involved in that complex global circulation of plants in various ways, including the bilateral circulation of experts and the exchange of specimens and savoir-faire during the late period of the French Protectorate.

11To conclude our short overview, the second section of this volume, entitled “Facts, histories, fictions”, is both connected with and different from the other two. Its chapters focus exclusively on the classic period of Luso-Moroccan relations. However, they do not engage with the “entangled peripheries” approach literally, but in a meta-sense, revealing in different ways that the modern production of facts, historiography and memory on that period in Morocco and Portugal has been defined much less by bilateral exchange and interaction than by intellectual and socio-political developments in the international and global sphere, in which both countries had little influence. In the first chapter of this section, Jean-Pierre Molénat reflects on the fact that the huge historiography on the Portuguese conquest of Ceuta has barely attempted to reconstruct the views on the city and Morocco at large held by the actual group of men who did the campaign, though this would surely help reformulate well entrenched interpretations on the origins and motivations behind that earliest step of Portuguese overseas expansion. Molénat sets to that complex task by not just revisiting the classic Portuguese account of Gomes Eanes de Zurara, but by crossing its information with a wide array of primary Arabic sources.

12The second chapter by Youssef Akmir shows how renowned Moroccan historians took some decades ago the necessary step of working with Portuguese primary sources and reviewing Portuguese and international secondary literature for dealing with topics of the classic period of Luso-Moroccan relations. Akmir’s detailed presentation of the investigations of Ahmed Boucharb, Othman el-Mansuri, Abdelilah Suisse, Ahmed Sabir and Mohamed Salhi is, however, far from redundant, because linguistic and academic barriers have prevented the normal circulation of those valuable Moroccan contributions both in Portugal and in the global academy. The situation of Portuguese studies on the 15th-16th century period on the other side of the Strait and in the international academia has been similarly discouraging. As a result, the historical knowledge on that period, which has a great interest in itself and as part of the larger field of Christian-Muslim encounters, exchanges and conflicts during the Middle Ages and the early modern period, occupies a position below its potential, has progressed at a slower pace and may have incurred in repetitions and dead ends.

13 The last chapter of the second section by Driss Essounani takes the meta-reflections on the “entangled peripheries” approach to a different, though equally interesting level. Essounani presents the case of the recent novel Bab Chaaba (2012), authored by the Moroccan writer Ahmed Sabki, whose plot is set in 16th century Safim occupied by the Portuguese. Sabki’s masterful representation of the events that led to the conquest of the city and the various Moroccan actors that were instrumental in that process plays upon the persisting memory left by the Portuguese in Moroccan society. However, far from being primarily an historical novel, Bab Chaaba uses historical materials to build an allegory of a very contemporary event: the so-called Arab Spring revolutions that have swept the Islamic world since 2010. In consequence, this unusual mobilization of collective memory for literary fiction has been less driven by recent attempts to revive the bilateral relations between Portugal and Morocco (though there might have been some influence of this) than by a new episode of the troubled and unfinished globalization of democracy set off by the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989.

14In memory, as in history, the connection between both sides of the Strait of Gibraltar, seems thus as thin and fragile nowadays as during the past three centuries. The present volume, while willingly trying to strengthen that contemporary connection, will surely reflect its present fragility in many voluntary and involuntary ways. It is, in any case, an honest and ambitious attempt to stimulate the local development and the international projection of a field of historical research which we believe is of great interest for the academia and the general public, in Portugal, in Morocco and beyond. This is precisely one of the more important things that can be learned, in our opinion, from the intellectual trajectory of Eva-Maria von Kemnitz. The essays collected in this volume are not just meant to honor the pioneering nature of her work, but also to suggest novel ways for the fruitful continuation of her lifelong investigations.

Bibliographie

Afonso, António Jorge, “Portugal e o Magrebe nos finais do Antigo Regime”. MA Thesis: Universidade de Lisboa, 1998.

Afonso, António Jorge, “Os cativos portugueses nos banhos magrebinos (1769-1830). O Islão, o corso e a geoestratégia no ocidente do Mediterrâneo”. PhD Thesis: Universidade de Lisboa, 2016.

Amaral, Augusto Ferreira do, Mazagão. A epopeia portuguesa em Marrocos. Lisboa: Tribuna, 2007.

Cruz, Maria Augusta Lima, Loureira, Rui Manuel (Coords.) Estudos de história luso-marroquina. VI Coloquio de História Luso-Marroquina. Lagos, 2010, Lagos: Cámara Municipal de Lagos, 2010.

Dias, Fátima Sequeira, Indiferentes à diferença. Os judeus nos Açores nos séculos XIX e XX. Ponta Delgada: Centro de Estudos de Economia Aplicada do Atlântico, 2007.

Gamito, Teresa Júdice (Coord.) Portugal, Espanha e Marrocos. O Mediterráneo e o Atlántico. Faro: Universidade do Algarve, 2004.

Gould, Eliga H., “Entangled Histories, Entangled Worlds: The English-Speaking Atlantic as a Spanish Periphery,” The American Historical Review, 112, 3 (2007), 764-786.

Julien, Charles-André, Le Maroc face aux impérialismes, 1415-1956. Paris : Éditions J.A., 1978.

Laroui, Abdallah, Les origines sociales et culturelles du nationalisme marocain (1830-1912). Casablanca : Centre Culturel Arabe, 1993.

Madariaga, María Rosa de, Historia de Marruecos. Madrid: Los libros de la Catarata, 2017.

Martínez, Francisco Javier, “Salud pública e imperio en la España isabelina (1833-1868): el caso de la Sanidad Militar,” História, ciência, saúde. Manguinhos, 13, 2 (2006), 439-475.

Medina, João (Dir.) História contemporánea de Portugal, 13 vols. Lisboa: Verbo, 1986.

Miller, Susan Gilson, A history of modern Morocco. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

Morales Lezcano, Víctor, Historia de Marruecos. Madrid: La Esfera de los Libros, 2006.

Nadir, Mohammed, “As relações diplomáticas entre Portugal e Marrocos do Tratado de Paz (1774) ao Protectorado (1912)”. PhD Thesis: Universidade de Coimbra, 2013.

Pennell, Charles R., Morocco since 1830. A history. London: Hurst & Co., 2000.

Pinto, António Costa, Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro (Dirs.) História contemporánea de Portugal, 5 vols. Lisboa: Fundación Mapfre/Objectiva, 2013-2015.

Portugal e o Magrebe. Actas do IV Coloquio de História Luso-Marroquina. Lisboa: CHAM, 2011.

Prebisch, Raúl, “La periferia latinoamericana en el sistema global del capitalismo,” Revista CEPAL, 13 (1981), 163-171.

Salhi, Mohammed (Coord.) Marruecos, España y Portugal. Hacia nuevos espacios de diálogo. Rabat: Université Mohammed V, 1999.

Vermeren, Pierre, Histoire du Maroc depuis l’indépendance. Paris : Éditions La Découverte, 2002.

Vidal, Laurent, Mazagão: a cidade que atravessou o Atlântico. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2008.

Von Kemnitz, Eva Maria, Portugal e o Magrebe (séculos XVIII/XIX). Pragmatismo, inovação e conhecemento nas relações diplomáticas. Lisboa: Ministério dos Negocios Estrangeiros, 2010.

Wallerstein, Immanuel, The Modern World-System. New York: Academic Press, 1974.

Zimmermann, Bénédicte, “Beyond Comparison: Histoire Croisée and the Challenge of Reflexivity,” History and Theory, 45, 1 (2006), 30–50.

Notes

1 We have just found out four publications, all of them in the form of conference proceedings: Mohammed Salhi (Coord.) Marruecos, España y Portugal. Hacia nuevos espacios de diálogo (Rabat: Université Mohammed V, 1999); Teresa Júdice Gamito (Coord.) Portugal, Espanha e Marrocos. O Mediterráneo e o Atlántico (Faro: Universidade do Algarve, 2004); Maria Augusta Lima Cruz, Rui Manuel Loureira (Coords.) Estudos de história luso-marroquina. VI Coloquio de História Luso-Marroquina, Lagos, 2010 (Lagos: Cámara Municipal de Lagos, 2010); Portugal e o Magrebe. Actas do IV Coloquio de História Luso-Marroquina (Lisboa: CHAM, 2011).

2 António Jorge Afonso, “Portugal e o Magrebe nos finais do Antigo Regime” (MA Thesis: Universidade de Lisboa, 1998); “Os cativos portugueses nos banhos magrebinos (1769-1830). O Islão, o corso e a geoestratégia no ocidente do Mediterrâneo” (PhD Thesis, Universidade de Lisboa, 2016); Eva Maria von Kemnitz, Portugal e o Magrebe (séculos XVIII/XIX). Pragmatismo, inovação e conhecemento nas relações diplomáticas (Lisboa: Ministério dos Negocios Estrangeiros, 2010); Fátima Sequeira Dias, Indiferentes à diferença. Os judeus nos Açores nos séculos XIX e XX (Ponta Delgada: Centro de Estudos de Economia Aplicada do Atlântico, 2007); Mohammed Nadir, “As relações diplomáticas entre Portugal e Marrocos do Tratado de Paz (1774) ao Protectorado (1912)” (PhD Thesis: Universidade de Coimbra, 2013).

3 See, for example, the multi-volume works: João Medina (Dir.) História contemporánea de Portugal, 13 vols. (Lisboa: Verbo, 1986); António Costa Pinto, Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro (Dirs.) História contemporánea de Portugal, 5 vols. (Lisboa: Fundación Mapfre/Objectiva, 2013-2015). On the transfer of Mazagão, see Augusto Ferreira do Amaral, Mazagão. A epopeia portuguesa em Marrocos (Lisboa: Tribuna, 2007); Laurent Vidal, Mazagão: a cidade que atravessou o Atlântico (São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2008).

4 See, among others, Charles-André Julien, Le Maroc face aux impérialismes, 1415-1956 (Paris: Éditions J.A., 1978); Abdallah Laroui, Les origines sociales et culturelles du nationalisme marocain (1830-1912) (Casablanca : Centre Culturel Arabe, 1993); Charles R. Pennell, Morocco since 1830. A history (London: Hurst & Co., 2000); Pierre Vermeren, Histoire du Maroc depuis l’indépendance (Paris : Éditions La Découverte, 2002); Víctor Morales Lezcano, Historia de Marruecos (Madrid: La Esfera de los Libros, 2006); Susan Gilson Miller, A history of modern Morocco (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013); María Rosa de Madariaga, Historia de Marruecos (Madrid: Los libros de la Catarata, 2017).

5 Bénédicte Zimmermann, “Beyond Comparison: Histoire Croisée and the Challenge of Reflexivity,” History and Theory, 45, 1 (2006): 30–50.

6 Eliga H. Gould, “Entangled Histories, Entangled Worlds: The English-Speaking Atlantic as a Spanish Periphery,” The American Historical Review, 112, 3 (2007): 764-786.

7 Francisco Javier Martínez, “Salud pública e imperio en la España isabelina (1833-1868): el caso de la Sanidad Militar,” História, ciência, saúde. Manguinhos, 13, 2 (2006): 439-475.

8 See, for example: Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System (New York: Academic Press, 1974); Raúl Prebisch, “La periferia latinoamericana en el sistema global del capitalismo,” Revista CEPAL, 13 (1981): 163-171.

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