2.1 Makǝdda and the Ethiopian Christian kingdom’s identity

4Under the reign of ‘Amdä Ṣǝyon (1314–1344), a final version of the Kǝbrä Nägäśt was written and translated in Ge‘ez. Reworked and used as a politico-ideological charter, it became the founding myth of the so-called Solomonic royal house and people, described as the new people elected by God. Makǝdda is therefore considered the “historical” mother of all Christian Ethiopians, through her relations with King Solomon and the birth of Mǝnǝlik I, the first King of Ethiopia. It also implies that, before, the country was “pagan” and ruled by women. This myth however ended the possibility for women to inherit the throne and legitimised a male succession line.

2.2 The descendants of Makǝdda’s servant and Solomon

5Some traditions have developed that the servant of Makǝdda also came back from Jerusalem bearing a son of Solomon. These traditions are sometimes applied to the Zag^we Kings, who ruled the country from the Lasta region in Wällo during the 11th to the 13th century, sometimes to the Betä Ǝsra’el communities, sometimes to other communities of Ethiopia. However, these versions of the Makǝdda-Solomon myth could not have been initiated by either of these actors as they enhance a descent from Solomon through a servant, that is to say a minor line.

6It should therefore be noted that while the Zag^we considered themselves the legitimate rulers, they were considered “usurpers” from a Solomonic point of view. Consequently, these traditions are most probably a later development put in place by the Solomonic Kings themselves, trying to reconsider the great achievements of some of the Zag^we Kings, such as King Lalibäla, or to include to some extent the Betä Ǝsra’el in a common history.

2.3 The revival, rewriting and diffusion of the Queen Makǝdda and Solomon myth at the end of the 19th century

7During the latter part of the 19th century, on the order of Mǝnǝlik II (r. 1889–1913), regional histories were written throughout the country in order to create a sense of unity in mixed Ethiopian populations for the sake of maintaining state independence. The Chronicle of Mǝnǝlik II, whose name has not been chosen by chance, opens with an extended claim to Solomonic dynasty legitimacy, using a retelling of the founding legend, the union of Solomon and Sheba. He is the namesake of their legendary son Mǝnǝlik I. For better dissemination, his chronicle and regional chronicles were written in Amharic. In the first, Mǝnǝlik is called nǝguśä nägäśt (“King of Kings”) while in the latter, the regional leader assumed the title of nǝguś (“King”), legitimised by their linkage to King Solomon. For example, the Chronicle of Goğğam, written by aläqa Täklä Iyasus at the beginning of the 20th century, recounts the history of the first settlers in the region being the offspring of Makǝdda’s sister, Ṣ́äḥay Nägädä, who was also a child of King Solomon (called May Zag^wa). From that point on, the rulers of Goğğam were, accepted as descending from this line. The genealogy ends by giving legitimacy to King Täklä Haymanot over both Goğğam and Käfa regions. The genealogy provides the legitimacy to the nǝguś of the region to rule under the leadership of the nǝguśä nägaśt. Other traditions, like the late version of the Kǝbrä Nägäśt found in Z^way by Mǝnǝlik II, enhance the first regional kings as being those who accompanied Mǝnǝlik I when he came back from Israel and whom he appointed as nǝguś all over the country (see Source 5). As well, other late Tigrean traditions, collected by Johannes Kolmodin, enhance the roles of the children of Zagua, Mənilək I’s brother born to the servant of Saba. Called Isra’elites (Ruben, Simeon, Minab, Juda, Levi…), they accompanied Mənilək I to Ethiopia and became the first regional kings.

2.4 Makǝdda and the Betä Ǝsra’el communities

8Before the 15th century, there is no solid evidence of the existence of the Betä Ǝsra’el communities (so-called “Falaša”). It is also important to note that, since the 20^th century and the movements of the “Falaša people” in Israel, the traditions concerning their mythical origin have changed.

9Although the Betä Ǝsra’el did not have a single “official” account of their origins in Ethiopia, the story of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba appears to have dominated their traditions before the 20th century. However, the Betä Ǝsra’el, while embracing the tradition of a Solomonic descent, usually stressed their separation from the other Ethiopian communities. The most common version of their origin claimed that they were the descendants of the twelve eldest sons of the council of Solomon, who came back with Mənilək I to Ethiopia. Thus, by associating themselves with the Solomon-Sheba legend, they claimed to be part of the political-cultural elite. In a similar manner, the fact that they called themselves “Ǝsra’elites,” rather than Jews (ayhud), placed them alongside the Ethiopian royal family, therefore belonging to the daqiqa Ǝsra’el (“The children of Israel”).

10A last type of variation of the myth highlights as their ancestors a group of artisans and builders who came back from Israel with Makǝdda. As already mentioned, these versions could not have been initiated by them as it marks them as inferior for not being from the group of the first born. To conclude, until the 20th century, the Betä Ǝsra’el desired to be considered, not necessarily as descendants of King Solomon, but like their contemporaries, as originating from the kingdom of Israel. However, today, Ethiopian Jews in Israel reject any connection to this tradition and deny any relation with King Solomon. They present themselves as descendants of the Jews who followed the Biblical prophet Jeremiah to Egypt, or as the descendants of the lost tribe of Dan. These are new traditions directly inspired by the Bible. They are recounting that they reached Ethiopia independently from Mǝnǝlik. These new developments show an effort to insert their history into the general history of Jews in the world rather than being a part of the collective Ethiopian history.

3.1 Historical evidence of a non-Christian queen of the 10th century

11It is said that, in the 10th century, a queen ruined the Aksumite kingdom. From a historical point of view, the revolt is indisputable, as is the role of a non-Christian, non-Aksumite queen. The Arabic writer, Ibn Hawkal, who lived in the latter half of the 10th century, testifies that a queen had reigned over the vast kingdom of the Habaša and some neighbouring territories for about 30 years. Besides, the History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church also states that in the same period, the “Queen of the Bani al-Hamwiya” imprisoned many Ethiopians, burned towns, destroyed churches and destroyed Aksum.

12On the other hand, Christian oral traditions, mainly written and relayed during the 18th century in the Short Chronicles, are contradictory and not contemporary with the event. In these versions, the queen is named in a negative way as Yodit/Gudit (deviant), Ǝsatu (fire) or Ga’ewa. She is described, depending on the traditions, with both positive and negative characteristics. In some, she was a beautiful woman of the royal family (Masobä Wärq), much like the Queen of Sheba, while in others she was a prostitute (Gudit, Ǝsatu, Ga’ewa) who killed the Ethiopian king, captured the throne, and acted as a cruel ruler destroying Aksum, persecuting the priests, and closing the churches.

13However, in spite of the different names and variations in the story, there can be no doubt that a strong female ruler rose to power in Ethiopia, ended Aksumite rule and made way for the Zag^we dynasty.

3.2 The Christian traditions

14One version developed probably by the Christian communities relates the story of Queen “Gudit” destroying the churches of Aksum, forcing the people to displace the Ark of the Covenant (or tabot) to the south, to the monastery of Däbrä Sǝyon, on an island in Lake Z^way. The queen is said to have killed all members of the royal house who were in Däbrä Damo at the time, except for Del Na’ad, the son of the last king, who fled to the Šäwa region.

15Another tradition mentioned in the hagiography of Iyasus Mo’a dated from the 17th century, deals with Masobä Warq, the daughter of the last Aksumite king, Del Na’ad. Against her father’s will, she married a high military official, Mära Täklä Haymanot, from Lasta. Together, they took over the throne and founded the so-called Zag^we dynasty, considered, in later tradition, to be “usurpers.” Another version only presented by James Bruce at the end of the 18th century, described a violent “Jewish” queen campaigning against the Christians (see captions below). Described as the antithesis of Makǝdda, she was not only a virgin (in some stories, she is presented as a prostitute), but she wanted also to destroy the Ark of the Covenant.

3.3 The episode of “Gudit” in the Betä Ǝsra’el tradition

16It is significant that the Betä Ǝsra’el also accepted the “Gudit episode” calling the queen Yodit/Yudit and acknowledging her in recent times as one of their ancestors. A late version from 1973 offers a complete synthesis of all the elements of myth and history known among the Betä Ǝsra’el. It combines ideas from a variety of sources such as the Kǝbrä Nägäśt or the Bible. It offers a number of possible historical interpretations that cannot be corroborated by any historical evidence. Here, the revolt of an Agäw Queen ‘Gudit’ (or ‘Yudit’) is reinterpreted as a Jewish revolt.