“The Yili is the Classic, the Liji explains it” “儀禮是經,禮記是解儀禮” Zhu Xi and the Yili Jingzhuan Tongjie 朱熹與儀禮經傳通解
Texte intégral
1What place do rites and treatises on rites, especially the Yili 儀禮 (Ceremonial Rites) and the Liji 禮記 (Record of Rites), occupy in the works of Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), the famous scholar from the Song dynasty (960–1279) who produced an important Confucian synthesis? This is a question which is particularly relevant as the extensive intellectual and philosophical works produced and passed on by Zhu Xi have, as we know, an important editorial and interpretative dimension –the Sishu jizhu 四書集注 (Collected Commentaries on the Four Books) provide here the most remarkable example. Committed scholar, administrator, educator, philosopher, Zhu Xi was also a philologist, a hermeneut and a classicist. Three books written or compiled by Zhu Xi are exclusively dedicated to rites or ceremonies: rites celebrated within the family can be found in the famous Jiali 家禮 (Family Rituals);1 local rites in honour of Confucius are described in a brief work named Shaoxi Zhouxian shidian yitu 紹熙州縣釋奠儀圖 (Protocol and illustrations of the ceremonies carried out in memory of Confucius in prefectural and sub-prefectural schools during the Shaoxi era),2 and finally the “ancient rites” in all forms –familial, local, educational, royal, state-organised, funerary, sacrificial– are presented in the compendium named Yili jingzhuan tongjie 儀禮經傳通解 (Comprehensive Explanations of the Text and Commentaries of the Ceremonial Rites),3 published after Zhu Xi’s death. This extensive ritual encyclopaedia written for scholars is a systematic compilation in which the Liji 禮記, in complement with the Yili 儀禮, occupies a predominant place. One could also add that the volume of the Yili jingzhuan tongjie, which I will mainly focus on in the present paper, is around fifty times larger than that of the Jiali.
2In addition to these three treatises, different essays dedicated to ritual questions should also be taken into consideration. They can include some educational texts such as the Xiaoxue 小學 (The Elementary Learning), a short educative encyclopaedia for children in which a large number of passages of the Liji are quoted.4
The Book of Rites
3Among all the books written or compiled by Zhu Xi, the Yili jingzhuan tongjie is no doubt the most ambitious because of its encyclopaedic nature and the wide range of rites it covers. It is a collaborative work like the Zizhi tongjian gangmu 資治通鑒綱目 (Summary of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government),5 and the fruit of a long-term undertaking accomplished thanks to the cooperation of more than twenty scholars scattered in several provinces. This book can be regarded as a synthesis regarding ancient rituality and as a work that aimed at enlightening the world. In this compendium, the Liji 禮記 and some other ancient works have been incorporated into the Yili 儀禮 which was regarded as the fundamental canonical source. For Zhu Xi, the Liji 禮記 should be read together with the Yili 儀禮, because the Yili 儀禮 gives an account of the procedures of ritual events while the Liji 禮記 expounds the moral lessons (yili 義理) they contain:
禮記要兼儀禮讀,如冠禮、喪禮、鄉飲酒禮之類,儀禮皆載其事,禮記只發明其理。讀禮記而不讀儀禮,許多理皆無安著處.
The Liji should be read together with the Yili, notably with regards to the “capping ceremonies,” “the funeral rites,” and “ceremonies at the canton banquets.” The Yili records the events while the Liji develops their moral significance. If we are satisfied with reading the Liji without reading the Yili, numerous truths cannot be properly established.6
4Zhu Xi often mentions the contrast between ritual knowledge in the strict sense and what can be called here “moral philosophy” (yili 義理) which is at the heart of his thought. His ambition lies specifically in achieving a reconciliation between these two dimensions. At first sight, the descriptive and technical ritual knowledge recorded in the Yili 儀禮 could give the impression of a series of gestures accomplished almost mechanically, peppered with abstruse enumerations of clothing items and filled with archaic titles. For Zhu Xi, it is thus advisable to associate the formal aspect of the rituality and the moral principles:
禮學是一大事,不可不講,然亦須看得義理分明,有餘力時及之乃佳.不然,徒弊精神,無補於學問之實也.
The study of rituals is an important thing that is impossible to bypass, but one should first gain a good insight into what concerns the moral philosophy and study the rituals only if one has some energy remaining. Or else one might waste one’s spirit without acquiring any real knowledge.7
5Twenty years before undertaking the writing of this great book, Zhu Xi had this to say about what had been the preliminary work done to this end:
讀禮記,須先讀儀禮.嘗欲編禮記附儀禮,但須著和注寫.
If one wants to read the Liji, it is advisable that one should start with reading the Yili. I have once thought of compiling the Liji by annexing it to the Yili, but this needed writing and annotating.8
6In Zhu Xi’s eyes, only the Yili has the right to claim to be a real classic while the Liji plays the role of a “commentary”: the latter is however able to bring a new spirit to the canonical text, namely its “moral” significance. The Liji is thus given the task of explaining and shedding light on the Yili, similarly to the way in which a commentary is supposed to cast light on a classic:
儀禮是經,禮記是解儀禮.
The Yili is the classic, and the Liji explains it.9
7In this approach, the Liji is given an “explanatory” role secondary to that of the Yili. From this idea expressed many times by Zhu Xi stemmed the project of compiling a kind of ritual encyclopaedia in which the Yili should constitute the basis. This compendium later entitled Yili jingzhuan tongjie 儀禮經傳通解 (Comprehensive Explanations of the Text and Commentaries of the Ceremonial Rites) has integrated almost all the chapters of the Yili, associated with certain chapters of the Liji meant to explicate them. What is more, a large number of quotations from the Liji and other books have also been incorporated into these chapters.10 Zhu Xi’s approach is based on the fact that certain chapters of Yili and of Liji seem to be closely related and complementary to one another. According to Zhu Xi, several chapters of the Liji constitute actual commentaries on chapters of the Yili:
如儀禮有《冠禮》,禮記便有《冠義》;儀禮有《昏禮》,禮記便有《昏義 》;以至 《燕 》、 《射》之類,莫不皆然.只是儀禮有《士相見禮》,禮記却無《士相見義》.
For example, the Yili contains [the chapter] “Guanli” (The capping ceremonies) and the Liji contains [the chapter] “Guanyi” (The meaning of the capping ceremonies); the Yili includes [the chapter] “Hunli” (The wedding ceremonies) and the Liji includes [the chapter] “Hunyi” (The meaning of the wedding ceremonies). It is the same with all the chapters down to [the last chapters which are dedicated to] “banquets” and “archery.” The only exception is that the Yili contains [the chapter] “Shixiangjianli” (The visit of a common officer to another), whereas the Liji does not have [a chapter entitled] “Shixiangjianyi” (The meaning of the visit of a common officer to another).11
8The same argument is repeated elsewhere:
禮記只是解儀禮,如《喪服小記》便是解《喪服》傳,推之每篇皆然.惟《大傳》是總解.
The Liji does nothing more than explicating the Yili. For example, the chapter “Sangfu xiaoji” [of the Liji] (Record of Smaller Matters in the Mourning Attire) is equivalent to a commentary on the chapter “Sangfu” (Mourning attire) [of the Yili]. It is possible to infer that it is the same with all the other chapters, except for the chapter “Dazhuan” (Great treatise) [of the Liji] which is a general explanation.12
9Zhu Xi notices that the rites described in the Liji concern essentially the rituals carried out in the imperial court and that, being “mingled in total disorder” (zaluan 雜亂), they could not be of use for “daily practice” (riyong 日用). If one wishes to make these very ritual rules appropriate for “daily practice,” it is advisable to abridge them and to take into consideration only certain chapters of the book, such as, “Yuzao” 玉藻 (Jade-Bead Pendants of the Royal Cap), “Neize” 內則 (Pattern of the Family), “Quli” 曲禮 (The Rules of Propriety), or “Shaoyi” 少儀 (Smaller Rules of Demeanour).13 This simplistic approach was to be adopted by Zhu Xi in the Yili jingzhuan tongjie. In the Jiali 家禮, the same method is also used with the aim of encouraging the performance of family rituals by all people.14
10As for the Yili, the difficulty in its reading resulted from the fact that it was not subdivided into paragraphs and that its “explanatory notes” (ji 記) were separate from its main text. These notes were actually added at the end of each chapter. Furthermore, the “commentaries” (zhu 注) of Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200) of Eastern Han and the “sub-commentaries” (shu 疏) of Jia Gongyan 賈公彥 (7th century AD), written at the beginning of the Tang dynasty (618–907), were arranged into clusters separated from the rest of the text, which made the reading strenuous. In 1197, when the manuscript of the Yili jingzhuan tongjie was practically ready for publication, Zhu Xi wrote:
前賢常患儀禮難讀,以今觀之,只是經不分章,記不隨經,而注疏各爲一書,故使讀者不能遽曉.今定此本,盡去此諸弊:恨不得令韓文公見之也.
Scholars of old often complained about the difficulty in reading the Yili. From today’s vantage point, it results simply from the fact that the classic is not divided into paragraphs and that its “explanatory notes” do not follow [immediately] the canonical text, and the commentaries and the sub-commentaries were written separately. As a result, the reader has no means of obtaining an immediate understanding. Now the plan of this book being set up, all these faults will be corrected. I just regret that Han, Duke of letters [i. e. Han Yu 韓愈, 768–824], could not see this.15
11The project initiated by Zhu Xi aimed at overcoming this difficulty by facilitating the reading of Yili through complementary and “explanatory” texts and a simplified annotation system built on the “zhangju” 章句 model. By the end of the Qing dynasty, Ruan Yuan 阮元 (1764–1849), editor of the Shisanjing zhushu 十三經注疏 (Commentaries and Explanations to the Thirteen Classics) also put emphasis on the profusion of Jia Gongyan’s sub-commentaries on the Yili 儀禮 (“賈疏之筆冗蔓”), as well as Zhu Xi’s decision to clarify this extensive annotation system by removing what was erroneous or unnecessary. Indeed, most of the Ming editions of Yili had eventually adopted Zhu Xi’s annotation, abandoning almost entirely Jia Gongyan’s sub-commentaries.16
12In fact, in his letters to his friends, Zhu Xi frequently mentioned the difficulty in reading the Yili and suggested that they should note down the difficult points while reading the text, in order to later consult them anew. According to him, everything would eventually become clear thanks to the numerous repetitions in the text:
此書雖難讀,然却多是重複,倫類若通,則其先後彼此展轉參照,足以互相發明,久之自通貫也.
This book [the Yili] is indeed difficult to read, but there are numerous repetitions in its text. If one is able to grasp their significance through assimilation brought about by reading the similar passages at the same time, these passages will finally shed light on one another. After a certain time, one can eventually obtain a spontaneous general comprehension of the whole text.17
13Zhu Xi had once suggested changing the order of the chapters of the different treatises on rites. This gave rise to his project of reorganising all the ritual books so that they could complement and shed light on one another, while offering at the same time a more suitable annotation system. A hint of this ambitious idea can be found in a letter that Zhu Xi wrote to his friend Lü Zuqian 呂祖謙 (1137–1181). When the whole thing was still a project, Zhu Xi proposed to reorganise the three ritual treatises by placing certain chapters of the Liji after the Yili chapters.18
14The real starting point of the Yili jingzhuan tongjie can be traced back to a letter to Pan Gongshu 潘恭恕 (n.d.) in 1186, in which Zhu Xi shared his wish to compile a book by associating the Liji and the Yili. Zhu Xi, then aged fifty-six, said that he was too old to undertake alone such a work which his friend Lü Zuqian also wished to accomplish before his death. Zhu Xi thus encouraged the recipient of this letter to join his project.19 The project of the Lishu 禮書 (Book of Rites) –the title by which Zhu Xi referred to the future book– took shape that very same year. Pan Gongshu submitted a plan in five parts to which Zhu Xi added some notes and remarks. Zhu Xi emphasised that the Liji which was organised into thematic chapters (fenlei 分類) should be methodically associated with certain chapters of the Yili corresponding in terms of content.20 The future Lishu was then conceived as a kind of thematic compendium modelled on the traditional encyclopaedias (leishu 類書). Scholars participating in the project were called upon to classify and reorganise the ritual sections of numerous books, among which the Liji was the most important. Zhu Xi also talked about this project to Lü Zujian 呂祖儉 (?–1198), the younger brother of Lü Zuqian who had died five years earlier:
聞子約教學者讀禮,甚善.然此書無一綱領,無下手處.頃年欲作一功 夫,後覺精力向衰,遂不敢下手。今日潘恭書討去整頓,未知做得如何.
I heard that you teach the rites [i.e., the Yili] to your students. This is a great thing. However, as the text of this classic has no programmatic axis, we do not know where to begin when reading it. I have once thought of devoting myself to this work, but later I became aware that my energy was in decline, so I dared not take it up. These days, Pan Gongshu is trying to put it in order and I do not know how his work is going on yet.21
15Two years later, in 1188, Lü Zujian formally joined the endeavour and sent a part of his work to Zhu Xi.22
The composition
16The Yili jingzhuan tongjie consisted originally of thirty-seven chapters (juan 卷), to which twenty-nine other chapters were added at a later stage constituting henceforth its sequel. Among the initial thirty-seven chapters, only the first twenty-three were revised and published by Zhu Xi before his death. The fourteen following chapters were revised afterwards by his son-in-law, Huang Gan 黃榦 (1152–1221). In order to be distinguished from the rest of the book, the chapters that had not been finalised by Zhu Xi were given the subtitle: Yili jizhuan jizhu 儀禮集傳集註 (A collection of commentaries and annotations to the Yili).
17The first twenty-three chapters published by Zhu Xi comprise the following four parts: “Family rites” (jiali), “Cantonal Rites” (xiangli 鄉禮), “Rites pertaining to learning” (xueli 學禮), and “State rites” (bangguo li 邦國禮). These four parts are further divided into forty-two “sub-chapters” (pian 篇). The chapter 15 dedicated to “Writings and Numbers” (shu shu 書數) is the only text that has never been written: it does not contain a single word. The following fourteen chapters revised by Huang Gan are solely dedicated to “Rites of the royal court” (wangchao li 王朝禮) and are divided into eighteen sub-chapters, and the sub-chapter dedicated to “Divination by means of turtle and milfoil” (bushi 卜筮) is also missing. The thirty-seven chapters were put together and published for the first time in 1217, seventeen years after Zhu Xi’s death.23
18In a short preface written in 1217, Zhu Zai 朱在 (1169–1229), Zhu Xi’s younger son, gave an account of the circumstances in which this book was composed:
先君所著家禮五卷、鄉禮三卷、學禮十一卷、邦國禮四卷、王朝禮十四卷,今刊於南康道院.
其曰:經傳通解者凡二十三卷,蓋先君晚歲之所親定,是爲絕筆之書, 次第具見於目錄.惟《書數》一篇闕而未補,而《大射禮》、《聘禮》、《公食大夫禮》、《諸侯相朝禮》八篇,則猶未脫稿也.其曰《集傳集註》者,此書之舊名也,凡十四卷,爲《王朝禮》,而《卜筮》篇亦闕,餘則先君所草定而未暇刪改者也.今皆不敢有所增益,悉從 其稿。至於喪、祭二禮,則嘗以規摹、次第屬之門人黃榦,俾之類次.他日書成,亦當相從於此,庶幾此書始末具備.
The parts written by my departed father are the following: “Family Rites” in 5 chapters, “Cantonal Rites” in 3 chapters, “Rites Pertaining to Learning” in 11 chapters, “State Rites” in 4 chapters and “Rites of the royal court” in 14 chapters. They have now been printed in the Dao Academy of Nankang.
It is entitled [Yili] Jingzhuan tongjie (Comprehensive Explanations of the Text and Commentaries of the [Ceremonial Rites]), and is composed of twenty-three chapters that my father had finalised himself during the last years of his life. These were his last work. The entire list of these chapters can be found in the table of contents. Only the chapter on “writings and numbers” is missing and has not been completed. As for the eight “sub-chapters” [included in the chapters 21 to 23] on the “Rites of the great archery meeting,” the “Rites of courtesy visits (state to state)”, the “Rites of the prince feasting a great officer,” the “Rites of the meetings between feudal lords,” it seems that they have never been drafted in their final state.
The set of chapters entitled [Yili] jizhuan jizhu (A collection of commentaries and annotations [to the Yili]) is given the former title of this book. It consists of fourteen chapters dedicated to “Rites of the royal court;” the sub-chapter on “divination by means of turtle and milfoil” is also missing. The rest of them, drafted by my father, have never been amended or corrected by himself for lack of time. We did not dare to add anything to it; this edition remains faithful to my father’s manuscript.
As for the “funeral rites” and the “sacrificial rites,” they have been entrusted to the disciple Huang Gan so that he should continue with the compilation while keeping to the planned form and order. As soon as his work is accomplished, it will be placed after this book and the whole book will be complete at that time.24
19Huang Gan, Zhu Xi’s disciple and son-in-law, actually took on the responsibility of composing the next part dedicated to “funeral rites” (sangli 喪禮) and “sacrificial rites” (jili 祭禮). The sequel entitled Yili jingzhuan tongjie xu 儀禮經傳通解續 (Sequel to Comprehensive Explanations of the Text and Commentaries of the Ceremonial Rites) was published separately in 1123 and consisted of twenty-nine new chapters divided into thirty sub-chapters. Like Zhu Xi, Huang Gan did not have the time to revise the entire book. Yang Fu 楊復 (n.d.), a former disciple of Zhu Xi who later became the disciple of Huang Gan, edited and published in his turn the chapters unrevised by his teacher. The same Yang Fu later edited a final version, that was first published first 1231,25 i.e., thirty-one years after Zhu Xi’s death. The two separate works were joined together in this book. This version was entitled Yili jingzhuan tongjie 儀禮經傳通解 (Comprehensive Explanations of the Text and Commentaries of the Ceremonial Rites), a title which had originally been used to refer solely to the part approved by Zhu Xi. The complete version comprised a total of sixty-six chapters grouped in seven parts and divided into ninety sub-chapters. Henceforth, a number of editions following this structure have appeared until the end of the Qing dynasty (1644–1911). In the twentieth century, this book was relegated to the background because of a changed political and social context in which the ancient rituality appeared to be completely anachronistic.26
20The different points mentioned above are summed up in the following table:
(See also Annexes 1 to 4)
Yili jingzhuan tongjie | Jiali 家禮, Xiangli 鄉禮, Xueli 學理, Bangguoli 邦國禮 |
Yili jizhuan jizhu | Wangchaoli 王朝禮 |
Yili jingzhuan tongjie xu | Sangli 喪禮 and Jili 祭禮 |
The production of a thesaurus
21The Yili jingzhuan tongjie was thus the fruit of a work that had lasted for more than four decades and had mobilised two or even three generations of disciples. The beginning of the project dated back, as we have seen, to the end of the year 1180 when Zhu Xi had not yet attained the age of sixty. It was only thirty years after his death that the project was finally completed. The order of the chapters was set in 1188, when Zhu Xi wrote to Lü Zujian, the brother of his friend Lü Zuqian in Zhejiang concerning what form to give to the Lishu 禮書 (Book of Rites). Zhu Xi proposed to place the part about the “funeral rites” (sangli) before the part on the “sacrificial rites” (jili).27 Slightly later, Zhu Xi started working on a book dedicated to ceremonies in honour of Confucius that were to be practised in prefectural schools, the Shaoxi Zhouxian shidian yitu.28 In 1194, after he took up a post in Changsha, Zhu Xi wished to mobilise the scholars of Hunan to work on his Lishu, but the situation did not allow him to do so. He was confronted by too many problems:
禮編,纔到長沙,即欲招諸公來同理會.後見彼事叢,且不爲久留計, 遂止.
Regarding the compilation of the [Book] of Rites, as soon as I arrived in Changsha [in May 1194],29 I thought of inviting the local gentlemen to work on it together. In the end, as my responsibilities multiplied, and as I could not afford to plan a long-term stay, I gave the whole thing up.30
22In July of the same year, namely 1194, Zhu Xi was convened to the capital. He was appointed to the rank of academician and was assigned the task of giving Confucian lectures to the new emperor. It was in the context of a particularly tragic imperial succession that Zhu Xi’s appointment took place. Guangzong 光宗 (r. 1189–1194), seized by a kind of paranoid madness, was obliged to abdicate in favour of his son Zhao Kuo 趙擴, the future Ningzong 寧宗 (r. 1194-1224).31 Actually, Guangzong refused to see his father, Xiaozong 孝宗 (r. 1162-1189) at his bedside while the latter had abdicated five years earlier in his favour, and later refused to attend his father’s funeral. This extremely serious violation of the basic rules of filial piety set off a ripple of panic at court. After his arrival in the capital in October 1194 when the crisis was only partly defused, Zhu Xi gave the emperor a series of lectures dedicated to the Daxue 大學 (The Great Learning).32 In November 1194, he submitted to the court a memorial about the clothing and the duration of mourning and discussed how much money should be spent on this occasion.33 At the same time, he wrote some other official reports on ritual questions, particularly on the placement of the ancestral tablets in the imperial ancestral temple. For example, how many generations back in time should be worshipped as ancestors and founders of the dynasty? In what order should their ancestral tablets be placed?34 These questions were raised soon after Xiaozong’s funeral. Furthermore, a suitable site was be found as his burial place. Zhu Xi participated actively in these kinds of debates.35 Basing his arguments on the Liji, Zhu Xi advocated organising a ceremony that should not be too costly. He argued that the expenses incurred should not be excessively extravagant because Xiaozong himself had wished to reduce them when he was alive.36
23Beside this, Zhu Xi took advantage of his appointment at court, the very first in his career, to plead in favour of the Lishu and to seek official support for a reorganisation of the three ritual books (san li 三禮): the Zhouli 周禮, the Yili, and the Liji. In a letter addressed to the new emperor, Zhu Xi began with emphasising the importance of the Zhouli which he considered as the “programmatic axis of rituality” (li zhi gangling 禮之綱領). With regard to “ceremony rules” (yifa dushu 儀法度數), he then added that only the Yili had the right to claim to be the “fundamental classic” (ben jing 本經) while the chapters contained in the Liji constituted its “explanatory discourse” (yi shuo 義說). Zhu Xi deplored once again the radicalism of the reforms carried out by Wang Anshi 王安石 (1021–1086) a century earlier and the abolition in the imperial examinations of the test on the Yili to give place to the Liji alone. This meant “casting aside the classic to use the commentaries” (qi jing ren zhuan 棄經任傳) or “abandoning the essential in favour of minor details” (yi ben zong mo 遺本宗末). Before these reforms, even though the rites had not really been practised, scholars were at least acquainted with some concepts contained in the classic. But since the test on the Yili was abandoned, scholars contented themselves with repeating idiotically the “empty texts” (xu wen 虛文) with the sole aim of passing the examinations. Zhu Xi also mentioned the music which, on a par with the rites, constituted one of the pillars of social equilibrium. The ignorance about the music and the ceremonies had led to a problematic situation: scholars were unable to answer questions during important debates. Under such circumstance, Zhu Xi proposed to reorganise the major ritual treatises around the Yili with the support of the court. He requested that around ten ritual experts be invited and provided with appropriate material conditions, as well as allowed special access to the books kept in the imperial library so that they could see the project through successfully. In his letter, Zhu Xi also requested that dedicated premises be put at their disposal, equipment and paper be supplied, and around twenty copyists be mandated to help them. The meal expenses of the ritual experts invited to the capital should be fully paid for by the court, but this did not mean that they should receive at an extra salary. All things considered, this represented only a relatively modest investment, compared with the “eternal influence” of such an undertaking that was likely to allow scholars to acquire a “real knowledge” (shi xue 實學) which was bound to be useful for the dynasty.37
24This letter did not bring about any change, since in the following days Zhu Xi was expelled from the capital: the remarks he had made before the emperor were considered offensive. At the end of what was to be his last lecture on the Daxue, given on the third of December 1194, he delivered a four-point discourse in which he encouraged the young emperor, then aged twenty-seven, to be patient with his father who had been struck with madness and dismayed by his forced abdication. His remarks in favour of a good government exhorted the emperor to resist the absolutist temptation rendered by the expression “making decisions on his own” (du duan 獨斷), and to prevent people of his entourage and his favourites from interfering in the affairs of state. The emperor, offended by these remarks, dismissed Zhu Xi from his duty “in view of his age” –Zhu Xi was then sixty-four years old.38 Zhu Xi had to leave for Fujian the next day, in conformity with the ritual rules recorded in the first chapter of the Liji, the “Quli,” which required that a dismissed government official should take to the road immediately after receiving the order of dismissal:
凡爲君使者,已受命,君言不宿於家。
Whenever one is charged with a mission by his ruler, after he has received from him his orders, and (heard all) he has to say, he should not remain over the night in his house.39
25This sudden dismissal was only the prelude to a campaign initiated in the following year (1195) against Zhu Xi and the way of thinking referred to by the term “Study of the Way” (Daoxue 道學). This way of thinking favoured a government which should serve the common good while involving more scholars in the governance.40 Two years before his death, when asked how the work on the Lishu was going and what was the situation of the manuscript, Zhu Xi recalled his hastily leaving from the court four years earlier:
散在諸處,收拾不聚.最苦每日應酬多,工夫不得專一.若得數月閑, 更一兩朋友相助,則可畢矣。頃在朝,欲奏乞專創一局,召四方朋友習禮者數人編修.俟書成將上,然後乞朝廷命之以官,以酬其勞,亦以少助朝廷蒐用遺才之意.事未及舉,而某去國矣.
All is scattered around and I am unable to put anything back together. The most tiresome are those everyday social obligations that stop me from focusing my attention on my work. If only I could have several months of vacation and be assisted by one or two friends, I would possibly be able to achieve the work. At the time when I was still at court, I thought of addressing a report to suggest that a special office be established and that friends having a good knowledge of the rites from all over the country be invited to compile [the book]. I would submit it to the emperor when it would have been completed and request that these scholars be assigned to posts in the government, so that they could be rewarded for their work. This would have also been a modest help for satisfying the court’s wish to employ left out talent. However, I had to leave the capital before this could materialise.41
26Seventeen years after Zhu Xi’s death, his son Zhu Zai mentioned once again this story in his preface to the first edition of the incomplete book:
顧念先君蚤歲即嘗有志於是書,昨在經筵嘗具奏,欲請於朝,乞招致生徒,置局編次而不果上,然其著述之志意具存此篇.
I think of my departed father who aspired for a long time to write this book. When he was in the capital, delivering lectures on the classics to the emperor, he had wished to submit a request to the court so that his disciples could be convened and an office be established for the compilation of the book, but the project fell through. Nevertheless, the determination that was his to write such a book is kept intact in the present book.42
27After his return to Fujian, in spite of the inquisition that struck the school of thought of which he was the main representative, Zhu Xi actually devoted the last years of his life to the project of the Lishu. He was charged with spreading a “fallacious doctrine” that “put the dynasty at risk.”43 In a different political context, his project could have given birth to an official compilation under the patronage of the imperial court. In the end, it regained the status of a private work achieved collaboratively by a group of scholars scattered in several provinces and united by Zhu Xi, the architect of the whole project, henceforth fallen into disfavour. Shu Jingnan, author of a monumental biography of Zhu Xi, has identified around twenty collaborators who participated in the compilation, the putting in order, the classifying and the annotation of this book.44 Scholars from three provinces have contributed to the realisation of this project of an encyclopaedic nature: Fujian, Jiangxi and Zhejiang. In Zhejiang, a metropolitan province, four centres were mobilised for the project. Shu Jingnan wrote:
閩中以建陽爲中心,由黃榦、 劉砥、劉礪兄弟負責; 江西以廬陵爲中心,由吳必大、李如圭負責; 浙中又分成四路撰寫中心:金華由呂祖儉負責,四明由孫枝負責,永嘉由葉賀孫負責, 黃巖由趙師夏負責.
The Jianyang centre of Fujian was directed by Huang Gan, Liu Di and the Liu Li brothers; Luling of Jiangxi was supervised by Wu Bida and Li Rugui; Zhejiang province had four centres: Jinhua, directed by Lü Zujian; Siming, directed by Sun Zhi; Yongjia, directed by Ye Hesun; Huangyan, directed by Zhao Shixia.45
28The compilation of the Yili jingzhuan tongjie was the fruit of a real collaborative work completed by several teams in separate regions under the direction of Zhu Xi who was responsible for elaborating the plan, establishing coherence and completing annotations. In addition to the twenty-three collaborators listed by Shu Jingnan, another person should also be mentioned: Hu Yong 胡泳 (n.d.) from Nankang of Jiangxi Province who, residing on the shores of Lake Poyang and taking advantage of an interruption in his official career due to the mourning of one relative, wrote the chapters dedicated “to funeral rites and built a typology of different events that follow the death of an individual” (自始死以至終喪,各立門目).46 At the end of the mourning period, he submitted his work to Zhu Xi who besought him “not to give up halfway through the compilation of the [Book of] Rites” (編禮亦不可中輟), but Hu Yong complained that “the examination of the ritual treatises was boring” and announced that he would “withdraw for the time being” (考禮書無味,姑且放下). Zhu Xi did not deny that the study of ritual texts could appear tedious at first sight, so he suggested that his friend devote only half of his time to philosophical and moral questions, designated by the term “yili 義理,” such as the questions of “Duty and Principle” or “Moral Principle,” and the other half to the classification of the thematic of the texts that were to be included in the compendium:
橫渠教人學禮,呂與叔言如嚼木札.今以半日看義理文字,半日類禮書,亦不妨.
When Hengqu (Zhang Zai, 1020-1077) was teaching the rites, [his disciple] Lü Yushu (Lü Dalin, 1040–1092) stated that the study of the rites was as [insipid as] “chewing wood shavings.” Nothing keeps you at present from devoting half of the day reading philosophic texts and the other classifying [our] Book of Rites.47
29In 1196, Zhu Xi was formally accused of being the head of a “fallacious doctrine” (weixue zhi kui 偽學之魁) and his discourses recorded by his disciples were under request to be destroyed.48 In the same year, the Chief Councillor Zhao Ruyu 趙汝愚 (1140–1196), forced out by Han Tuozhou 韓侂胄 (d. 1207), a relative of the empress, died on the way to his place of banishment.49 The sixteenth of January 1197, Zhu Xi was dismissed officially from his post and, one month later (the fifteenth of February), was discharged from his “temple post.” As soon as he received the order, Zhu Xi addressed a letter to the court to “thank” it for the decision, in accordance with the established custom.50 In the same year, the “fallacious sect” (weidang 偽黨) was condemned as a “seditious party” (nidang 逆黨), of which Zhu Xi was the leader (dangkui 黨魁).51 It was an extremely serious accusation. A government official called for the publicising of a black list indicating the names of four former Chief councillors and twelve academicians including Zhu Xi, as well as the names of around forty government officials and scholars.52 Despite suffering from this disgrace, Zhu Xi nevertheless managed to continue his work on the Lishu 禮書, thanks to the leniency shown to him by the local authorities. All official support from the court being henceforth impossible, Zhu Xi mobilised once again the different collaborators entrusted with the work, of which Huang Gan, Zhu Xi’s son-in-law, was the kingpin. Zhu Xi told him his fear to see the manuscript of the book destroyed if someone happened to request its destruction:
人人知有此書,若被此曹切害,胡寫兩句取去燒了,則前功俱廢,終爲千載之恨矣.
Everyone knows about the book now. If it is preyed on by those men and if they scribble something stupid on it so that it be confiscated and burnt, all the work that has been done would be entirely wiped out. This would be regretted even in a thousand years.53
30The fear of seeing the book censored and destroyed was expressed once again in another letter written in 1197, in which Zhu Xi prayed the receiver not to reveal that he worked on the project, for fear that the book be censored, in the way that the ancient ritual treatises were destroyed by the first Qin emperor in 213 B. C:
勿廣此說,恐召坑焚之禍.
Please never disseminate these discourses lest it should bring us to be buried alive and our book to be burnt. 54
31These details show that the preparation of the Lishu continued in a half-clandestine way while Zhu Xi was compelled at the same time to meet constraints imposed by social life. He complained that his frequent moves and numerous activities in the city kept him from spending more time on the Lishu. When congratulating his son-in-law on the quality of the work he had done, Zhu Xi recalled that the Yili dealt essentially with the “rites for officials” which should not be confused with the “court rites.”55 A letter retained the traces of the various corrections and suggestions of modification made by Zhu Xi to the section devoted to “funeral rites” which was compiled by Huang Gan, showing that Zhu Xi took overall responsibility for the compilation of the book, from designing the general structure and determining the internal organisation to putting the citations in order.56 To another disciple, Zhu Xi indicated where to insert the chapters “Wangzhi” 王制 and “Jifa” 祭法 of the Liji into the part devoted to “sacrificial rites” (jili 祭禮).57 In a letter to Huang Gan, Zhu Xi announced that Wu Bofeng 吳伯豐 (n.d.) who worked on the “sacrificial rites” just had his work sent to him, but that his official activities had kept him from devoting himself entirely to the work, so that he had to call in another collaborator (Li Baozhi 李寶之). The same letter tells us that it was Lü Zujian, who was entrusted with the task of marking down the pronunciation of difficult characters in the part devoted to “court rites.”58 The issue of indicating the pronunciation was also mentioned in a letter written to Wu Bofeng when the compilation of the book was to be completed.59 Some other instructions given to Huang Gan also mentioned how the tasks would be distributed among the different teams in Zhejiang and Jiangxi provinces.60
32Two letters addressed to Yu Zhengfu 余正甫 (n.d.) in 1197 are particularly important, since they show how the book was like during its preparation. Zhu Xi, despite the disgrace that struck him but also, perhaps, because of the enforced idleness he was undergoing, doubled his activities and continued to encourage the different teams. His son-in-law Huang Gan supervised in Luling 廬陵 (Jiangxi) the sections devoted to “funeral rites” and “sacrificial rites,” while in Zhejiang other scholars worked on their part.61 Zhu Xi came to the conclusion that the groups of texts devoted to “funeral rites” and those regarding “sacrificial rites” should constitute two distinctly separate parts and be placed after the “state rites” and “rites of the royal court” parts. He deplored the fact that the Zhouli was hardly exploited and worried that there was no “leading thread” (恐無綱領), which would lead to the fact that people “revered the Zhouli in word but devalue it in reality” (名尊周禮而實貶之).62
33Zhu Xi disapproved of the practice of purchasing a printed book with the only aim of cutting out the paragraphs in order to stick them down on the manuscript, which would allow avoiding copying the texts by hand. Zhu Xi confided that he had once tried to use this method, but finally noticed that in most cases, as the format did not fit in, all the texts eventually had to be copied by hand. As a result, one good solution was to call in the “copyists” (bili 筆吏), indicating to them the borders of the space in which the characters should be written. Zhu Xi suggested copying in big characters while leaving large space between lines permitting the addition of notes, and to leave an empty column at the end of each paragraph, which would allow sticking new texts afterwards.63
34The year 1197 marked a major step forward for the project and for choosing its title: Yili jizhuan jizhu 儀禮集傳集註 (A Collection of Commentaries and Annotations to the Yili). This name was first chosen to refer to the whole of the book; it became later the “subtitle” designating, as we have seen, the fourteen chapters that were not published by Zhu Xi in the first edition of what was to become the Yili jingzhuan tongjie (Comprehensive Explanations of the Text and Commentaries of the Ceremonial Rites).64 A letter written in 1197 recapitulated the progress of the project and the structure of the book:
累年欲脩儀禮一書,釐析章句而附以傳記,近方了得十許篇,似頗可觀。其餘度亦歲前可了.若得前此別無魔障,即自此之後便可塊然兀坐,以 畢餘生,不復有世間念矣。元來典禮淆訛處古人都已說了,只是其書衮 作一片,不成段落,使人難看.故人不曾看,便爲憸人舞文弄法,迷國 誤朝.若梳洗得此書頭面出來,令人易看,則此輩無所匿其姦矣,於世 亦非少助也.
勿廣此說,恐召坑焚之禍.
For years, I have wished to work on the Yili by commenting it and by dividing it into sentences and paragraphs in order to insert commentaries and explanatory notes. It is only recently that I have achieved around ten chapters that appear readable to me. The rest of them should be completed before the end of the year. If no catastrophe strikes me by that time, I could thereafter be content with sitting serenely waiting for the end of my life without any worldly ambition.
People of ancient times have already talked about the confusions and errors contained in the ritual treatises in the Yili. They are caused by the fact that the text of this book is all in one block and not divided into different sections, which makes the reading difficult. This is why people do not read it any more, and why smooth talkers (xianren 憸人) used the text by extracting all kinds of meanings from it, misleading the country and failing the dynasty. If we succeed in arranging and amending it in order to restore its real nature so that people could read it easily, those men would have no way to conceal their misdeeds. The benefit this would bring to the world is far from negligible.
Please never disseminate these discourses lest it should bring us to be buried alive and our book to be burnt. 65
35One of Zhu Xi’s aims, as he recalled, was to facilitate the reading of the Yili by annotating and reorganising it with the help of the addition of explanatory chapters of the Liji and some other ancient books. Without this reconstruction and these clarifications, the Yili 儀禮 would always remain a rarely read book:
儀禮人所罕讀,難得善本.
The Yili is a book that is rarely read by people. It is difficult to get a good edition of it.66
36In 1198, two years before he died, Zhu Xi summarised how he intended to structure the Lishu 禮書: each subchapter should be divided into “sections” (zhang 章) incorporating the “supplementary notes” (ji 記) which would be annexed at the end of the chapters of the original Yili 儀禮 text. The annotation system would be simplified according to the form of “zhangju 章句,” which means inserting the commentaries “sentence by sentence and paragraph by paragraph.” The “explanatory” chapters of the Liji 禮記 were also added. Zhu Xi wrote once again that the book was articulated in seven chapters: “Familial Rites,” “Cantonal Rites,” “Rites pertaining to Learning,” “State Rites,” “Rites of the Royal Court,” “Funeral Rites,” “Sacrificial Rites.”
37Zhu Xi noticed that the Han scholars’ knowledge could also lead to the elucidation of certain ritual questions.67 Zhu Xi alluded to the set of dramatic events which led to accession of Ningzong on the 24th of July 1194.68 What kind of mourning should be observed by him, who was only the grandson of the deceased emperor? Zhu Xi was sure to have found the answer to this question in the commentaries on the Yili written by Zheng Xuan and in the sub-commentaries written by Jia Gongyan.69 The controversy around the ritual matters aroused by the non-standard imperial succession had confirmed Zhu Xi in his belief: he should pursue his undertaking.
38In 1199, Zhu Xi’s health deteriorated. Weakened by his illness, Zhu Xi requested his son-in-law, Huang Gan, to go back to Fujian in order to help him put the final touches to the Lishu.70 Shortly before this, two disciples of Nankang in Jiangxi province had come to assist him with his revision of the different parts of the manuscript. If one (Hu Yong) was “particularly meticulous” (shen zixi 甚子細), the other (Li Jingzi 李敬子) was “not scrupulous enough” (wei ximi 未細密). At that time, Zhu Xi had only a small group of faithful disciples around him and complained that most of his students had moved away from him.71 In the posthumous biography of Zhu Xi written by his son-in-law, the author related that most of Zhu Xi’s disciples had chosen to cut ties with him and to change master, passing by his door without even stopping. The renunciation of some of them was so radical that they behaved like the sybarites, taking off the Confucian headdress and long-sleeve robe to put on fashionable dresses, deliberately haunting pleasure districts as if ostensibly breaking with the austere lifestyle which was strictly regulated and peculiar to what still considered as an obnoxious sect.72
39In 1200, Zhu Xi announced that “half of the manuscript of the Lishu was about to be definitely finalised” (禮書半藁略可寫凈) and that he was getting ready to have the manuscript sent to Huang Gan so that he could commission the copyists to copy it.73 He also had copies of the manuscript distributed to different people in the hope of finding someone to examine them.74 In a letter written ten days before he died, Zhu Xi mentioned once again the compilation of the Lishu 禮書 and deplored that he possessed only flawed editions of the chapter “Xiaxiaozheng” 夏小正 of the Liji:
夏小正文已變入禮書,但所見數本衰多舛誤.
The text of “Xiaxiaozheng” is henceforth included into the Book of Rites, but all the different editions that I have read contain numerous mistakes.75
40Zhu Xi’s last letter, written the night before he died, was addressed to the faithful Huang Gan and concerned once again the Lishu 禮書. Zhu Xi congratulated his son-in-law for the work he had accomplished and encouraged him to see through this undertaking.76 Thus, the last words of Zhu Xi were devoted to the Yili jingzhuan tongjie to come.
Conclusion
41The Yili jingzhuan tongjie, a posthumous oeuvre and the result of the collaborative efforts of around twenty scholars who worked under Zhu Xi’s direction, is an extensive compilation directed at a learned public, dealing with all the aspects of rituality. Its text is arranged in the same order as that of the Yili chapters, to which have been added, as “explanatory texts,” the other two major ancient ritual treatises, Zhouli and Liji.
42As the title indicates, one of the aims of the Yili jingzhuan tongjie is to facilitate the reading of the Yili. In spite of the primacy granted to the Yili, the Liji occupies a no less important place. The Liji, as Zhu Xi tells us, “explains the Yili” and gives it an additional “moral meaning” (yili 義理).
43The content of this book is classified in seven parts: “Familial Rites,” “Cantonal Rites,” “Rites pertaining to Learning,” “State Rites,” “Rites of the Royal Court,” “Funeral Rites,” “Sacrificial Rites.” This classification aims at facilitating the reading and the use of the ritual thesaurus. It is, besides, in line with the thematic classification adopted in traditional Chinese encyclopaedias. This extensive compendium of the ancient ritual knowledge, annotated and arranged thematically, offers scholars a real reference encyclopaedia about ancient rituality.
44The Yili jingzhuan tongjie has introduced the category of the “Rites pertaining to Learning” (xueli 學禮) which comprises eleven chapters divided into seventeen sub-chapters. This part includes not only the “Daxue” and “Zhongyong” 中庸 chapters of the Liji, but also all that is related to music, such as the “Quli” or the “Smaller Rules of Propriety.” These “smaller rules of propriety” constitute the content of the first chapter of the Liji, but are entirely reorganised in the Yili jingzhuan tongjie and scattered throughout the book. In most cases, the Liji chapters are not quoted in extenso but are cut into segments and cited in the form of extracts and reorganised in a different order in the book. This fragment-like structure constitutes a striking characteristic of the Yili jingzhuan tongjie which is composed of a vast number of citations integrated and classified thematically.
45It should be tempting to compare the Yili jingzhuan tongjie with Thomas Aquinas’ Summa Theologiae, but Zhu Xi and his collaborators did nothing more than quoting the texts and explaining them while staying essentially in the background. By compiling this book, Zhu Xi completed the work of a philologist and a commentator, of which the “Daxue” and “Zhongyong” chapters, commented “sentence by sentence and paragraph by paragraph” according to the zhangju (章句) model, is a striking example. The Yili jingzhuan tongjie quotes strictly word by word these two chapters of the Liji in the zhangju version, copying identically the text, including the annotations, while preserving all the reorganisation and division of paragraphs made by Zhu Xi without the least addition or removal.77 In the same way, the famous addition in the fifth paragraph of the Daxue made by Zhu Xi is also copied identically in the Yili jingzhuan tongjie. It is worth mentioning that this added part is written in big characters, not in the same small format used for notes and commentaries. Zhu Xi’s addition to the text of “Daxue” is thus promoted ipso facto to the rank of canonical text.78
46Compiled principally during the last years of Zhu Xi’s life after he was driven away from the court, the book that Zhu Xi had wished to accomplish under the patronage of the imperial court eventually remained a book compiled collaboratively in a confidential manner. Whereas the major part of the book had been achieved before Zhu Xi’s death, its publication became possible only after the posthumous rehabilitation of Zhu Xi’s reputation in 1202, two years after he died. It was only in 1217 that it was first published, thanks to Huang Gan’s effort, and the entirety of the chapters appeared only in 1231, thirty-one years after Zhu Xi’s death.
Annex 1. Tittles of the chapters in the Yili and the Liji
YILI 儀禮 | LIJI 禮記 | |
1. Shiguanli 士冠禮 | 1. Quli* 曲禮 | 24. Aigongwen* 哀公問 |
2. Shihunli 士昏禮 | 2. Tangong* 檀弓 | 25. Zhongni yanju* 仲尼燕居 |
3. Shixiangjian 士相見 | 3. Wangzhi* 王制 | 26. Zhongni xianju* 仲尼閒居 |
4. Xiangyinjiuli 鄉飲酒禮 | 4. Yueling* 月令 | 27. Fangji 坊記 |
5. Xiangsheli 鄉射禮 | 5. Zengziwen 曾子問 | 28. Zhongyong 中庸 |
6. Yanli 燕禮 | 6. Wenwangshizi* 文王世子 | 29. Biaoji* 表記 |
7. Dasheyi 大射儀 | 7. Liyun* 禮運 | 30. Ziyi 緇衣 |
8. Pinli 聘禮 | 8. Liqi* 禮器 | 31. Bensang 奔喪 |
9. Gongsidafuli 公食大夫禮 | 9. Jiaotesheng* 郊特牲 | 32. Wensang 問喪 |
10. Jinli 覲禮 | 10. Neize* 內則 | 33. Fuwen 服問 |
11. Sangfu 喪服 | 11. Yuzao* 玉藻¨Jade-Bead Pendants of the Royal Cap | 34. Xianchuan 閒傳 |
12. Shisangli 士喪禮 | 12. Mingtangwei* 明堂位 | 35. Sannianwen 三年問 |
13. Jixili 既夕禮 | 13. Sangfu xiaoji* 喪服小記 | 36. Shenyi* 深衣 |
14. Shiyuli 士虞禮 | 14. Dazhuan* 大傳 | 37. Touhu 投壺 |
15. Teshengkuisili 特牲饋食禮 | 15. Shaoyi* 少儀 | 38. Ruxing 儒行 |
16. Shaolaokuishili 少牢饋食禮 | 16. Xueji* 學記 | 39. Daxue 大學 |
17. Yousiche 有司徹 | 17. Yueji* 樂記 | 40. Guanyi 冠義 |
18. Zaji 雜記 | 41. Hunyi 昏義 | |
19. Sangdaji 喪大記 | 42. Xiangyinjiuyi* 鄉飲酒義 | |
20. Jifa* 祭法 | 43. Sheyi* 射義 | |
21. Jiyi* 祭義 | 44. Yanyi 燕義 | |
22. Jitong 祭統 | 45. Pinyi 聘義 | |
23. Jingjie 經解 | 46. Sangfu sizhi 喪服四制 |
Annex 2. Titles of the chapters of Yili jingzhuan tongjie (jizhu)
YILI JINGZHUAN TONGJIE 儀禮經傳通解 | ||
Juan 1 | 1. Shiguan 士冠 | Jiali 1 家禮 |
Juan 2 | 3. Shihunli 士昏禮 | Jiali 2 家禮二 |
Juan 3 | 5. Neize 內則 | Jiali 3 家禮三 |
Juan 4 | 6. Neizhi 內治 | Jiali 4 家禮四 |
Juan 5 | 7. Wuzong 五宗 | Jiali 5-6 家禮 |
Juan 6 | 9. Shixiangjianli 士相見禮 | Xiangli 1-2 |
Juan 7 | 12. Xiangyinjiuli 鄉飲酒禮 | Xiangli 3 鄉 |
Juan 8 | 14. Xiangsheli 鄉射禮 | Xiangli 4 鄉 |
Juan 9 | 16. Xuezhi 學制 | Xueli 1 學禮 |
Juan 10 | 18. Dizizhi 弟子職 | Xueli 2-3 學 |
Juan 11 | 20. Quli 曲禮 | Xueli 4 學禮 |
Juan 12 | 21. Chenli 臣禮 | Xueli 5 學禮 |
Juan 13 | 22. Qianlü 錢律 | Xueli 6 學禮 |
Juan 14 | 24. Shiyue 詩樂 | Xueli 7-8 學 |
Juan 15 | 26. Shushu 書數 (闕) manque | Xueli 9 學禮 |
Juan 16 | 27. Xueji 學記 | Xueli 10-11 |
Juan 17 | 29. Zhongyong 中庸 | Xueli 12 學禮 |
Juan 18 | 30. Baofu 保傅 | Xueli 13-14 |
Juan 19 | 32. Wuxue 五學 | Xueli 15 學禮 |
Juan 20 | 33. Yanli 燕禮 | Bangguoli 1 |
Juan 21 | 35. Dasheyi 大射儀 | Bangguoli 2 |
Juan 22 | 37. Pinli 聘禮 | Bangguoli 3 |
Juan 23 | 39. Gongsidafuli 公食大夫禮 | Bangguoli 4-5 |
YILI JIZHUAN JIZHU 儀禮集傳集註 | ||
Juan 24 | 43. Jinli 覲禮 | Wangchaoli 1 王朝禮一 |
Juan 25 | [45] Lishu 曆書 | Wangchaoli 2 王朝禮二 |
Juan 26 | [47] Xiaxiaozheng 夏小正 | Wangchaoli 3 王朝禮三 |
Juan 27 | [49] Yuezhi 樂制 | Wangchaoli 4 王朝禮四 |
Juan 28 | [51] Wangzhi zhi jia: Fentu 王 | Wangchaoli 5 王朝禮五 |
Juan 29 | [52] Wangzhi zhi yi : Zhiguo | Wangchaoli 6 王朝禮六 |
Juan 30 | [53] Wangzhi zhi bing : | Wangchaoli 7 王朝禮七 |
Juan 31 | [54] Wangzhi zhi ding: | Wangchaoli 8 王朝禮八 |
Juan 32 | [55] Wangzhi zhi wu: Sheguan | Wangchaoli 9 王朝禮九 |
Juan 33 | [56] Wangzhi zhi ji: Jianhou | Wangchaoli 10 王朝禮十 |
Juan 34 | [57] Wangzhi zhi geng: Mingqi | Wangchaoli 11 王朝禮十 |
Juan 35 | [58] Wangzhi zhi xin: Mingqi | Wangchaoli 12 王朝禮十 |
Juan 36 | [59] Wangzhi zhi ren: Shitian | Wangchaoli 13 王朝禮十 |
Juan 37 | [60] Wangzhi zhi gui: Xingbi | Wangchaoli 14 王朝禮十 |
Annex 3. Titles of the chapters of the Sequel to Yili jingzhuan tongjie
YILI JINGZHUAN TONGJIE XU 儀禮經傳通解續 | ||
Juan 1 | 1. Sangfu 喪服 | Sangli 1 喪禮一 |
Juan 2 | 2. Shisangli shang 士喪禮上 | Sangli 2 shang 喪禮二 |
Juan 3 | 3. Shisangli xia 士喪禮下 | Sangli 2 xia 喪禮二下 |
Juan 4 | 4. Shiyuli 士虞禮 | Sangli 3 喪禮三 |
Juan 5 | 5. Sangdaji shang 喪大記上 | Sangli 4 shang 喪禮四 |
Juan 6 | 6. Sangdaji xia 喪大記下 | Sangli 4 xia 喪禮四下 |
Juan 7 | 7. Zukufulianxiangtanji (jiji jiri fu) | Sangli 5 喪禮五 |
Juan 8 | 8. Bufu 補服 | Sangli 6 喪禮六 |
Juan 9 | 9. Sangfu bianchu 喪服變除 | Sangli 7 喪禮七 |
Juan 10 | 10. Sangfu zhidu 喪服制度 | Sangli 8 喪禮八 |
Juan 11 | 11. Sangfu yi 喪服義 | Sangli 9 喪禮九 |
Juan 12 | 12. Sangtongli 喪通禮 | Sangli 10 喪禮十 |
Juan 13 | 13. Sangbianli 喪變禮 | Sangli 11 喪禮十一 |
Juan 14 | 14. Diaoli 弔禮 | Sangli 12 喪禮十二 |
Juan 15 | 15. Sangliyi 喪禮義 | Sangli 13 喪禮十三 |
Juan 16 | [16] Sangfu tushi mulu | 此系喪禮外一卷 |
Juan 17 | [17] Teshengkuisili yi | Jili 1 祭禮一 |
Juan 18 | [18] Shaolaokuisili er | Jili 2 祭禮二 |
Juan 19 | [19] Youxiche 有司徹 | Jili 3 祭禮三 |
Juan 20 | [20] Zhuhou qianmiao | Jili 4 祭禮四 |
Juan 21 | [22] Jifa 祭法 | Jili 5 祭禮五 |
Juan 22 | [23] Tianshen 天神 | Jili 6 祭禮六 |
Juan 23 | [24] Dishi 地示 | Jili 7 祭禮七 |
Juan 24 | [25] Baishen 百神 | Jili 8 祭禮八 |
Juan 25 | [26] Zongmiao 宗廟 | Jili 9 祭禮九 |
Juan 26 | [27] Yinshizhiji 因事之祭 | Jili 10 祭禮十 |
Juan 27 | [28] Jitong 祭統 | Jili 11 祭禮十一 |
Juan 28 | [29] Jiwu 祭物 | Jili 12 祭禮十二 |
Juan 29 | [30] Jiyi 祭義 | Jili 13 祭禮十三 |
Annex 4. Organisation of the chapters and the sub-chapters in the Yili jingzhuan tongjie 儀禮經傳通解
Title | Chapters | Parts | Number | Number |
Yili jingzhuan tongjie | 1-5 | JIALI | 5 | 8 |
6-8 | XIANGLI | 3 | 7 | |
9-19 | XUELI | 11 | 17 | |
20-23 | BANGGUOLI | 4 | 10 | |
Total | 23 | 42 | ||
Yili jizhuan jizhu | 24-37 | WANGCHAOLI | 14 | 18 |
Total | 37 | 60 | ||
Yili jingzhuan tongjiexu | 1-16 | SANGLI | 16 | 16 |
17-29 | JILI | 13 | 14 | |
Total | 29 | 30 | ||
TOTAL | 66 | 90 |
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Notes de bas de page
1 Jiali 家禮 (Family Rituals), in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 7, 857–958. About this book, see Ebrey 1991a. Translation in French, de Harlez 1889. American translation, Ebrey 1991b. Regarding the use of the Liji 禮記 in the Jiali 家禮 and its influence in Korea, see No 2000, 25–27.
2 In Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 13, 1–60. This book, prefaced in 1195, is dated to 1194 by Shu 2001, 1126–1127 & 1203.
3 Yili jingzhuan tongjie 儀禮經傳通解 (Comprehensive Explanations of the Text and Commentaries of the Ceremonial Rites), in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 2–5, 1–3453.
4 Hui’an xiansheng Zhu Wengong wenji 晦庵先生朱文公文集 (Works of Master Hui’an, Zhu, Duke of Letters, hereafter Wenji or Xuji for The Sequel of the Works), chap. 68, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 23, 3290–3370. Xiaoxue 小學 (The Elementary Learning), in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 13, 377–479.
5 Zizhitongjian gangmu 資治通鑒綱目 (Summary of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government), in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 8–11, 1–3530.
6 Noted by Wang Defu 汪德輔, 1192, Yulei 87, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 17, 2940.
7 “Da Chen Caiqing” 答陳才卿 (Reply [8/16] to Chen Caiqing), 1197, Wenji 59, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 23, 2848.
8 Noted by Liao Deming 廖德明, after 1173, Yulei 87, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 17, 2941.
9 Noted by Huang Yigang 黃義剛, after 1193, Yulei 85, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 17, 2899.
10 Only the title of chapter 13 of the Yili: “Jixili” 既夕禮 (After Lamentations of Evening) is not included in the Yili jingzhuan tongjie.
11 Noted by Huang Yigang 黃義剛, after 1193, Yulei 85, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 17, 2899.
12 Noted by Liao Deming 廖德明, after 1173, Yulei 87, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 17, 2941.
13 Noted by Gan Jie 甘節, after 1193, Yulei 87, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 17, 2940.
14 Zhu Xi, “Jiali xu” 家禮序 (Preface to Family Rituals), in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 7, 873. Ebrey 1991a, 102–144.
15 “Da Ying Renzhong” 答應仁仲 (Reply [4/6] to Ying Renzhong), 1197, Wenji 54, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 23, 2550. Shu 2001, 1288.
16 The original Chinese being: 朱子作通解於疏之文義未安者多爲刪潤.在朱子自成一家之書未爲不可, 而明之刻注疏者一切惟通解之從,遂盡失賈氏之舊. Ruan 1980, 942.
17 “Da Chen Caiqing” 答陳才卿 (Reply [9/16] to Chen Caiqing), 1200, Wenji 59, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 23, 2848. See also “Da Chen Caiqing” 答陳才卿 (Reply to [10/16] to Chen Caiqing), 1200, Wenji 59, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 23, 2849.
18 “Wen Bo Gong Sanli bianci” 問[呂]伯恭[呂祖謙]三禮編次 (Question to [Lü] Bogong [Lü Zuqian] about the compilation of the Three Ritual Books [Yili, Zhouli, Liji]), ca. 1180, Wenji 74, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 24, 3579-3581. Shu 2001, p. 875.
19 “Da Pan Gongshu” 答潘恭恕 [潘友恭] (Reply [4/9] to Pan Gongshu [Pan Yougong]), 1186, Wenji 50, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 22, 2307. Shu 2001, 875.
20 “Da Pan Gongshu” (Reply [7/9] to Pan Gongshu), 1186, Wenji 50, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 22, 2312-2315. Shu 2001, 874–875.
21 “Da Lü Ziyue” 答呂子約 [呂祖儉] (Reply [3/20] to Lü Ziyue [Lü Zujian]), 13th day of the 9th month of the year bing-wu: 26 October 1186, Wenji 48, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 22, 2209. See Shu 2001, 842 & 875.
22 “Da Lü Ziyue” (Reply [6/20] to Lü Ziyue), 27th day of the 11th month [of the year wu-shen: 16 December] 1188, Wenji 48, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 22, 2211. The same letter is dated to 1192 by Shu 1992, 1009.
23 Wang Yiliang 王貽樑, Yili jingzhuan tongjie 儀禮經傳通解, “Jiaodian shuoming” 校點說明, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 2, 3.
24 Zhu Zai, Postface of 1217, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 2, 26.
25 1131: the year xin-mao 辛卯 of the Shaoding 紹定 era (1228–1233).
26 Wang Yiliang 王貽樑, Yili jingzhuan tongjie 儀禮經傳通解, “Jiaodian shuoming” 校點說明, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 2, 3–7.
27 “Da Lü Ziyue” (Reply [6/20] to Lü Ziyue), 27th day of the 11th month [of the year wu-shen: 16 December] 1188, Wenji 48, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 22, 2211. The same letter is dated to 1192 by Shu 1992, 1009.
28 Protocol and illustrations of the ceremonies carried out in memory of Confucius in prefectural and sub-prefectural schools in the Shaoxi era, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 13, 1–60. This book was written in 1194, its preface was dated 1195, see Shu 2001, 1126 & 1203.
29 Zhu Xi arrived in Tanzhou 潭 州 on the 25th of May 1194 (4th day of the 5th month of the 5th year of Shaoxi), Shu 2001, 1116.
30 Noted by Ye Hesun 葉賀孫, after 1194, Yulei 84, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 17, 2894.
31 Guangzong abdicated on the 7th day of the 5th month of the 5th year of Shaoxi (24 July 1194); four days later, Zhu Xi was convened to the capital at the instigation of the Chief Councillor Zhao Ruyu 趙汝愚, see Shu 2001, 1123.
32 “Jingyan jiangyi” 經筵講義 (Lectures on the Classics), 1194, Wenji 15, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 20, 691–793.
33 “Qi taolun sangfu zhazi” 乞討論喪服劄子, November 1194, Wenji 14, in Zhu et al. 2002 vol. 20, 685–687. Shu 2001, 1167–1168. Qian 2011, vol. 4, 153–154.
34 “Tiaomiao yizhuang. Bingtu” 祧廟議狀. 并圖 (Illustrated Report on the tablets in the ancestral temple), November 1194, Wenji 15, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 20, 713–725. See Shu 2001, 1167–1177. See also “Mianzou tiaomiao zhazi. bingtu” 面奏祧廟劄子. 并圖 (Oral report and illustrations on the tablets in the ancestral temple), November 1194, Wenji 15, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 20, 725–727; “Yi tiaomiao zhazi” 議祧廟劄子 (Discussion on the tablets in the ancestral temple), November 1194, Wenji 15, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 20, 727–728.
35 About the discussions on the future burial place of Xiaozong, see “Shanling yizhuang” 山陵議狀 (Report on the imperial burial places), 1194, Wenji 15, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 20, 729–733.
36 “Qi taolun sangfu zhazi” 乞討論喪服劄子 (Letter asking for launching a debate on funeral clothing), November 1194, Wenji 14, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 20, 686.
37 “Qi xiu Sanli zhazi” 乞脩三禮劄子 (Letter beseeching the revision of the Three Ritual Books), 1194, Wenji 14, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 20, 687–688. See Shu 2001, 1184.
38 “Jingyan liushen mianchen sishi zhazi” 經筵留身面陳四事劄子 (Four-Point Communication addressed in person to the emperor during a classic lecture), 19th day of the 10th intercalary month of the 5th year of Shaoxi: 3 December 1994, Wenji 14, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 20, 678–684. Shu 2001, 1184–1189.
39 The English translation is by James Legge. See Legge 1885, vol. III, 86. This sentence has been commented by Zhu Xi in Yulei 87, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 17, 2947.
40 About the place of the scholars and the school of Daoxue, see Yu 2004.
41 Noted by Shen Xian 沈僴, 1198, Yulei 84, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 17, 2894.
42 Zhu Zai, Postface of 1217, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 2, 26.
43 Shu 2001, 1239–1240.
44 The complete list of the twenty-three collaborators is given by Shu Jingnan. See Shu 1992, 1012, and Shu 2001, 1253.
45 Shu 1992, 1012; the text is slightly modified in Shu 2001, 1253.
46 See the remarks regarding Hu Yong in Yulei 84, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 17, 2894.
47 Noted by Hu Yong, 1188, Yulei 84, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 17, 2894.
48 Shu 2001, 1272 & 1280.
49 Zhao Ruyu died on the 20th day of the 1st month of the 2nd year of Qingyuan (20 February 1196), Shu 2001, 1238–1244.
50 “Luozhi bagongci xiebiao” 落職罷宮祠謝表 (Letter of thanks for my suspension and my dismissal from the post in the temple), 27th day of the 1st month of the 3rd year of Qingyuan (15 February 1197), Wenji 85, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 24, 4014–4415. Zhu Xi’s dismissal dates to the 26th day of the 12th month of the 2nd year of Qingyuan (16 January 1197), Shu 2001, 1272–1277 & 1280–1282.
51 Shu 2001, 1292–1294.
52 Shu 2001, 1313–1318.
53 “Da Huang Zhiqing” 答黃直卿 (Reply [21/97)] to Huang Zhiqing [Huang Gan]), 1197, Xuji 1, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 25, 4650. Letter dated to 1196 by Shu 2001, 1250.
54 “Da Li Jizhang” (Reply [3/5] to Li Jizhang), 1197, Wenji 38, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 21, 1708.
55 “Da Huang Zhiqing” (Reply [21/97)] to Huang Zhiqing), 1197, Xuji 1, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 25, 4649. Letter dated to 1196 by Shu 2001, p. 1250.
56 “Da Huang Zhiqing” (Reply [7/7] to Huang Zhiqing), 1197, Wenji 46, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 22, 2158-2162. Letter dated to 1196 by Shu 2001, 1251.
57 “Da Wu Bofeng” 答吳伯豐 [吳必大] (Reply [22/24] to Wu Bofeng [Wu Bida]), 1196, Wenji 51, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 22, 2456-2459. See Shu 2001, 1251.
58 “Da Huang Zhiqing” (Reply [7/97] to Huang Zhiqing), 1197, Xuji 1, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 25, 4646.
59 “Da Wu Bofeng” (Reply [22/24] to Wu Bofeng [Wu Bida]), 1196, Wenji 51, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 22, 2457.
60 “Da Huang Zhiqing” (Reply [24/97] to Huang Zhiqing), 1197, Xuji 1, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 25, 4651. Letter dated to 1196 by Shu 2001, 1252. “Da Huang Zhiqing” (Reply [25/97)] to Huang Zhiqing), 1197, Xuji 1, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 25, 4652. Letter dated to 1196 by Shu 2001, 1252.
61 “Da Yu Zhengfu” 答余正甫 (Reply [4/5] to Yu Zhengfu), 1197, Wenji 63, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 23, 3078-3079. Letter dated to 1196 by Shu 2001, 1251.
62 “Da Yu Zhengfu” (Reply [5/5] to Yu Zhengfu), 1197, Wenji 63, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 23, 3079. Letter dated to 1196 in Shu 2001, 1252.
63 In the original Chinese: 所喻買書以備剪貼,恐亦不濟事。蓋嘗試爲之,大小高下既不齊等,不免又寫一番,不如只就正本籤記起止,直授筆吏寫成之爲快也。又脩書之式,只可作草卷,疏行大字 (欲可添注)。每段空紙一行 (以備剪貼)。只似公案摺疊成沓,逐卷各以紙索穿其腰背(史院脩書例如此,取其便於改易)。此其大略也, in “Da Yu Zhengfu” (Reply [5/5] to Yu Zhengfu), 1197, Wenji 63, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 23, 3079. Letter dated to 1196 in Shu 2001, 1252.
64 Shu 2001, 1287–1289.
65 “Da Li Jizhang” 答李季章 (Reply [3/5] to Li Jizhang), 1197, Wenji 38, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 21, 1707-1708.
66 “Ji Yongjia Yili wuzi” 記永嘉禮儀誤字 (Note on the erroneous characters in the Yongjia edition of the Yili), Wenji 70, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 23, 3390.
67 “Da Li Jizhang” (Reply [4/5] to Li Jizhang), 1198, Wenji 38, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 21, 1709.
68 Qian 2001, vol. 4, 151 & 153. Shu 2001, 1120–1125.
69 “Da Li Jizhang” (Reply [4/5] to Li Jizhang), 1198, Wenji 38, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 21, 1709; Qian 2011, vol. 4, 153.
70 He writes: “病日益衰, 甚望賢者之來,了卻禮書”, in “Da Huang Zhiqing” (Reply [78/97)] to Huang Zhiqing), 1198, Xuji 1, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 25, 4667.
71 “Da Huang Zhiqing” (Reply [56/97)] to Huang Zhiqing [Huang Gan]), 1198, Xuji 1, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 25, 4661-4662. About the identification of Hu Yong, see Chen 1989, 482.
72 Huang Gan, […] “Zhu xiansheng xingzhuang” 朱 先 生 行 狀 (Posthumous biography of Master Zhu), 1221 (14th year Jiading 嘉定), in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 27, p. 558; text integrated in Nianpu, Shu 2001, p. 1486.
73 “Da Gong Zhongzhi” 答鞏仲至 (Reply [20/20] to Gong Zhongzhi [Gong Feng]), 1200, Wenji 64, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 23, 3113.
74 “Da Wang Yuanshi” 答王元石 (Reply [1/1] to Wang Yuanshi), 1200, Wenji 63, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 23, 3061.
75 “Da Yang Zizhi” 答楊子直 (Reply [5/5] to Yang Zizhi [Yang Fang]), 1200 (27th day of the 2nd intercalary month, of the year geng-shen: 12 April 1200), Wenji 45, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 22, 2075. Shu 2001, 1410.
76 “Da Huang Zhiqing” (Reply [1/1)] to Huang Zhiqing [Huang Gan]), 22 April 1200, Wenji 29, Zhu et al. 2002, vol 21, 1285-1286. Shu 2001, 1411.
77 Yili jingzhuan tongjie, chap. 16, 學禮十一, “大學第二十八,” in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 2, 544– 557; Daxue zhangju, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 6, 13–31. Yili jingzhuan tongjie, chap. 17, 學禮十二, “中庸第二十九,” in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 2, 558–585; Zhongyong zhangju, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 6, 32–60.
78 Yili jingzhuan tongjie, chap. 16, 學禮十一, “大學第二十八,” in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 2, 549; Daxue zhangju, in Zhu et al. 2002, vol. 6, 20.
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