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Historians of Asia on Political Violence

 | 
Anne Cheng
, 
Sanchit Kumar

Japan in Asia: questioning state-sponsored Asianism

Brij Tankha

Entrées d'index

Keywords :

Asianism, Asia, Japan, China, India, Buddhism

Texte intégral

Introduction

  • 1 All Japanese publications are from Tokyo unless otherwise stated.

1Asianism (Ajiashugi アジア主義), a set of ideas defining Japan’s relations with Asia, has been used as a concept to organise the narrative of modern Japanese history. This set of ideas was deployed both to explain Japan’s exceptional past and chart its future as the liberator of Asian countries from Western domination, set to help them develop into modern states. Asianism is often invoked in contrast to the idea of “expelling Asia” but, in fact, Japan was emphasizing both its equivalence with the West while marking its difference with Asia. It was only by “expelling Asia” that it was possible to define Asianism. Japan would remake Asia on an Asian universalism inspired by Japan’s past. The basis of an Asian community, sometimes seen as united by ancient philosophies and traditions, at other times justified because of Japan’s advanced level of development, was variously conceived and debated in Japan, but Asianism as a concept provided legitimacy and became the organising principle for Japan’s colonial control in Asia. It served the purpose of providing bonds of unity to hold a disparate and growing colonial empire, underlining Japan’s uniqueness and providing a conceptual basis for knowledge production to write a different past and declare a new future.1

2There is a vast, and growing, body of literature on Asianism that has reshaped our understanding of Japanese history, but does Asianism as a way of understanding the motivations of intellectuals, political activists, or government bureaucrats obscure more than it illuminates? Asianism as a concept forces us into framing questions which lead to a binary position based on imaginary geographies muting and distorting ideological positions so that they fit into its template. In this paper, I take two very different cases of Japanese interactions with Asia but situate them in the context of their larger objectives. The first case alludes to the period before Asianism had cohered - the experience of Buddhists in India -, and the second relates to the period when Asianism was the official ideology. I look at the travel writings of the poet Kaneko Mitsuharu 金子光晴 (1895-1975) in Southeast Asia and China to show the meaning of his experience and the way it shaped his thinking. I use these two very different periods to think about Japanese interactions within Asia and illustrate how these encounters shaped ideas about countries in Asia and its people. I argue that it is not productive to conceive of these ideas and interactions within the framework of Asianism. These interactions show affinities as well as differences with the concept of Asianism, and go beyond it to question and resist Asianism as an ideology. The tendency to use Japan and Asia as two well-defined poles for analysing the Japanese past obscures the ways in which these were evolving and changing sets of ideas. Asianism, as it became a concept, was deployed to read back and create a history where the foundational text became a newspaper article written by Fukuzawa Yukichi 福沢諭吉 (1835-1901), and he in turn the iconic moderniser. The article, “An Argument to Expel Asia” (Datsu-A-ron 脱亜論) called for Japan to abandon its Asian links and embrace a Western future.2

3The writings of the 19th century exhibit a melange of ideas and reactions, sometimes contradictory as they describe places and encounters with people and ideas. They do not begin to exhibit the uniformity that would come later. These writings provide a way of thinking about the ways in which Japanese conceptions of self and nation were being framed not in cultural binaries of “Japanese” and the “other”, but shaped by a desire to learn, assimilate and understand the new world they were encountering, both outside and within. These views evolved and developed taking different trajectories but were always located within the global geo-political power structure and the knowledge that it produced.

I. The emergence of Asianism

  • 3 See Saaler, Sven and Christopher W.A. Szpilman, eds., Pan Asianism A Documentary History, Vol.1. 18 (...)

4The word Asianism (Ajiashugi アジア主義) was first used in 1916-17 by Kodera Kenkichi 小寺謙吉 (1877-1949) in The Argument for a Great Asia (Dai ajia ron). The basic premise of Kodera’s Asianism was that similarities of culture, race, and geographical proximity bound East Asia together. Asianism, as it emerges, is a geographical unity but of East Asia as a cultural and racial unit that can be politically unified under Japan’s leadership.3

  • 4 Government patronage provided resources to create the basis for the institutional structure to supp (...)

5The political project of confronting the Western dominated international order was intellectually supported in different ways. The idea of a shared culture and a writing system led many to publish their work in Chinese so that it could be read across East Asia, but there were other ways to define this unity. Scholars such as Shinmei Masamichi 新明正道 (1898-1984) and Kada Tetsuji 加田哲二 (1895-1964) based their support for an East Asian Community (Tōa kyodōtai 東亜共同体) on theories of society and social progress. They argued that a new intellectual order must be based on the spirit of science (kagaku seishin 科学精神) and it was the responsibility of larger ethnic groupings that had a historically progressive character to assist the progress of smaller and more backward ethnic groups, leaving place for expanding the imagined community.4

6The discourse of Asianism gained traction precisely in this period when the colonised were questioning their subordination and the Japanese ideas of Asianism carried an appeal. Central to the definition of Japanese Asianism was the issue of modernity and culture and how to overcome Western dominance. It provided a way to frame Japan’s position as a leading nation of the region and legitimise its control and domination. Asianism provided a framework that allowed the incorporation of different territories and people without claiming homogeneity but also allowed for commonalities unlike the basis of Western colonial power. Japan’s colonies became “outer lands (gaichi 外地)”, the outer territories only distinguished by the space they occupied. Yet even as bonds of unity were declaimed, the Japanese language and names were imposed and Japanese culture and political control overrode the rhetoric of sameness.

7Economic interests were also integral to the areas that Japan focused on when talking of Asianism. In the 1910s, Japan’s economic and business interests increased in Southeast Asia, and the Association of the Southern Sea (Nanyō kyōkai 南洋恊会) was established. In 1919, the first use of Southeast Asia (Tōnan ajia 東南アジア) appeared in a textbook.

8The government was still trying to allay Western fears of the “yellow peril”, but once Japan had revised the unequal treaties and was recognised as an equal by the Western powers, it proclaimed an Asian Monroe Doctrine. Economic interests and political power strengthened the organisational and ideological consolidation of Asianism. Kodera supported the ideas of Okawa Shumei who formed the All Asia Society (Zen ajia kai 全アジア会) in 1917. Now the government played a greater role hosting many conferences bringing together leaders from Japan’s Asian world, the first in Nagasaki (1926), followed by Shanghai (1927), Dairen (Dalian in Chinese, 1934), and the Greater East Asia Conference (1943) in Tokyo which was called to counter the Atlantic Charter (1941, U.S and Britain).

9These developments led to the New Greater East Asian Order (Tōa shinchitsujo 東亜新秩序, 1938) which was expanded to include Southeast Asia in 1940. This idea of Greater East Asia (Daitōa 大東亜) underlined Japan’s belief in its role as leader of Asia but with the defeat in WWII this idea was marginalised for a while.

II. Japan’s discovery of Asia

10In the mid-19th century before Asianism had emerged, the intellectual environment was very different from the early 20th century when Japan had ended the unequal treaties and become an equal to the Western powers. Japanese thinking about the region was a product of two strands of influence. One, the ideas and views of the world that were learnt from Europe over a long period as knowledge of the outside world filtered in through Dutch translations. These revealed a new knowledge, notably in introducing Western military and medical ideas that played a powerful role in shaping ideas about science and superiority of Western thought. But it was through the Dutch and Western literature that Japan imbibed ideas about the East, the areas beyond China and Korea.

Image 1

Image 1

Ryūkyū Islanders http://dl.ndl.go.jp/​info:ndljp/​pid/​761120. Nishikawa Joken 西川如見, “People from forty-two countries” (Yonjyuni koku jinbutsu zusetsu 四十二国人物図説)

Image 2

Image 2

http://dl.ndl.go.jp/​info:ndljp/​pid/​761120. Nishikawa Joken 西川如見, “People from forty-two countries” (Yonjyuni koku jinbutsu zusetsu 四十二国人物図説)

  • 5 See Nishikawa Joken, Yonjyuni koku jinbutsu enzetsu (Tokyo iinsei kabushigaisha,1898). Tonkin, for (...)

11Here we can see how Nishikawa Joken 西川如見 (1648-1724), astronomer and geographer, describes the countries of the world and their inhabitants using images from Western literature. Writing about countries in Southeast Asia, he differentiated between those who were part of the Chinese ecumene (who, for instance, ate rice and used chopsticks), and those who were not.5 He could find affinity with those who were part of the larger Chinese cultural sphere, but the wider world was now being viewed through a Western lens.

12The Japanese also learnt about the fast changing world from the Chinese. Chinese writings, and their reaction to the pressures of Western colonial expansion, brought alive the immediacy of the dangers Japan faced. The colonisation of India, the Opium wars and the Taiping rebellion in China were seen as warnings of what could happen to Japan. The news of these battles spurred ideas of self-defence, changes in military and social organisation and led to the end of the Tokugawa and the establishment of the Meiji government to meet the challenge of preserving Japan. The fear of becoming a “failed state” (bōkoku 亡国) exercised a powerful influence on both the political leaders as well as the people at large, forcing a re-examination of what it meant to be Japanese in relation to China and India (Tenjiku 天竺) within a world dominated by Western powers.

III. Okakura Tenshin: a plural Asia

  • 6 See my Okakura Tenshin: “Asia is One”, in Saaler, Pan-Asianism, vol. 1, pp. 93-100.

13Okakura Kazukō 岡倉覚三 or Tenshin 天心 (1862-1913) was a cultural bureaucrat who played a key role in shaping intellectual debates about the idea of Asia in Japan, and about how Japan was perceived in the Western world. He linked Japan to its neighbours in myriad ways and argued that building on these historical connections was a way to create a modern, and culturally and politically strong nation. Later, Asianism would extract the slogan, “Asia is One” from his more complex and contradictory writings. His ideas were also used in ways that he may not have intended.6 Here, I just want to indicate the main thrust of his approach to provide a context for the ways Buddhist monks engaged with India.

  • 7 Okakura’s major writings were The Awakening of the East (written in 1901 in English but first publi (...)

14Okakura Tenshin’s writings were an early attempt at defining Asia in relation to Japan’s past; Japan’s relationship with Asia became the key to understanding Japan’s history and its present.7 Asia, for Okakura, was both the colonial order and the possibilities of resistance to that order. Just as Japan’s past was linked to its relationship with Asia, Japan’s successful transition to modernity pointed the way for the liberation of Asia.

  • 8 The Awakening of Japan (New York: Century,1904), p.7.
  • 9 Awakening, p.12.
  • 10 Awakening, pp.15 and 17.
  • 11 Awakening, p.18.

15Okakura is famous for his declaration that Asia is one, but he conceived it as composed of three major components defined by religion: Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism. The unity of Asia was however broken by the Mongol conquest in the 13th century when, according to Okakura, Buddhism was exterminated and Hinduism persecuted.8 This, he argues, was a terrible blow as Islam created a barrier between China and India, a barrier greater than the Himalayas that severed the wonderful world of communication.9 In China there was “no complete fusion of the Manchu and Chinese”10 and India was divided, so that “movements against the Mohammedan tyrants, for example the Mahrattas and Sikhs, cannot crystallise into ‘a universal expression of patriotism’”.11

  • 12 The Ideals of the East with Special Reference to the Arts of Japan (London: J. Murray,1903), p.14.

16How did he explain Japan’s strength and the reasons why it alone could represent Asia? For him, Japan was historically in a unique position as Japan’s “Indo-Tartaric blood was itself a heritage which qualified it to imbibe from two sources, and so mirrors the whole of Asian consciousness.”12 Japan was Asia distilled.

  • 13 Ideals, p.16.
  • 14 Ideals, p.16.

17Okakura also argued that Japan’s unique position derived from the Imperial house and the unbroken lineage from the first emperor, grandson of the Sun Goddess. Two elements, the Imperial house and a protected insularity, allowed Japan to preserve the traditions of Asia, and made Japan into a “museum of Asiatic civilisation”.13 While in other Asian countries traditions had been destroyed, Japan was able to preserve these because of the “spirit of living Advaitism which welcomes the new without losing the old”.14

  • 15 Ideals, pp.131 and 235 where Okakura defines advaita as the state of not being two, meaning that al (...)
  • 16 Ideals, p.131.

18“The task of Asia today”, he writes, “then becomes that of protecting and restoring Asiatic modes. But to do this she must successfully recognise and develop consciousness of these modes.”15 Okakura defines these modes in the following manner: for India, the religious life is the essence of nationality, China is a moral civilisation, and Japan has the spiritual purity of the sword soul. He writes, “in our history lies the secret of our future”.16 Here Okakura is essentialising the countries much like the Western colonial view. He sees Buddhism as uniting Asia but curiously does not engage with what Buddhist monks were doing at that time.

IV. Buddhist networks and the rediscovery of Tenjiku

  • 17 See my unpublished paper, “Colonial Pilgrims: Japanese Buddhists and the Dilemma of a United Asia”, (...)
  • 18 For Kitabatake Dōryū’s journey to India, see Nishikawa Hensho and Nagaoka Senshin, Tenjiku koroji s (...)

19Shaku Sōen 尺初演 (1860-1919), a Zen priest, travelled to Ceylon in 1887, where he spent three years learning Theravada Buddhism. Unusually, he sought to bring back Southern Buddhism which was largely ignored by the mainstream of Japanese Buddhists. He served as a priest with the army during the Russo-Japanese war 1904-05, and was an active supporter of the war. The war, while admired in Asia as showing that the Western powers could be defeated, was criticized widely by Japanese intellectuals as serving the interests of the elites.17 These Buddhist priests were part of a network that included both Sri Lankans and Europeans, such as Col. Henry Olcott (1832-1907) and Anagarika Dharmapala (1864-1933), both of whom made several trips to Japan. These interactions, as well as those between European scholars of Asia and of Buddhism, were creating new links and shaping Buddhism. 18

  • 19 Ideals, p.89.

20Okakura does not refer to this literature and makes no mention of the debates within the religious groups that were socially and politically important. This, despite the fact that Okakura does not see Buddhism as just an import from China, but rather a religious-cultural system that links Japan to India, and other parts of Asia. It was transmitted, he writes, through “a loving world of communication, travellers, pilgrims, and traders [who] carried the common culture back and forth.”19

21Okakura was both a key figure in shaping ideas about Asia in Japan as well an interpreter of Japan to the West. The contradictions, or the way his ideas about Japan and Asia were used after his death, do not detract from the powerful impact they had during his lifetime, and continue to have today. His ideas about art, culture and imaginings of a new Asia are different from the concept of Asianism as it emerged in the post-WWI world.

22The opening line of “The Ideals of the East” is “Asia is one”, but he goes on to argue that Asia was two. Namely, the Asia that was subjugated by the West and the Asia that had not been subjugated and preserved its culture and autonomy. It is the challenge that new Asia faces, as he writes in the concluding sentence of the book: “If the victory does not come from within, then there is only death from the power of the outside”.

23It is in this international and intellectual environment that the motivations of the Buddhists who travelled to India to visit the sacred sites associated with the Buddha can be understood. They were not tourists or travellers searching for the new and exotic, but pilgrims. Yet they, and their Buddhism, were being shaped by modern nationalism and so they saw themselves on the frontlines of the battle against Western imperial domination. As members of a colonial empire they saw India, as a “dying nation”, materially weak, and because of that, spiritually emasculated. This thinking re-enforced their belief in the superiority of their Eastern Buddhism, which had provided the spiritual foundations to resist colonisation.

  • 20 See my “Monks in Modern Dress: The Dilemma of Being Japanese and Asian”, in Kyunghee Pyun and Aida (...)

24It may be thought that Buddhists had an interest in India due to Buddhism but in fact only a few were interested in India and other parts of the Buddhist world, and usually only to underline their difference. The earliest monk to visit India is a good example of the nature of this interest. Kitabatake Dōryū 北畠道流 (1820-1907), a monk of the Nishi-Honganji (西本願寺), the Jodō Shinshū (浄土真宗) sect of Buddhism, visited India in 1883 and wrote a number of books about his trip.20 His trip is at a time when the idea of Asianism, as a concept, is still in its formative stage. Asia as the world of the colonised is a widely held idea and so countries in this region as defeated countries serve as a cautionary example.

Image 3. Kitabatake as Pilgrim

Image 3. Kitabatake as Pilgrim

Illustration on Table of contents page in Gōzō Kitabatake Dōryū Kenshōkai 豪僧北畠道竜顕彰会 (Society to Honour the Great Monk Kitabatake Dōryū), ed., Gōzō Kitabatake Dōryū: denki 豪僧北畠道龍: 伝記 [Biography of the great monk Kitabatake Dōryū], Denki sōsho 伝記叢書 [Biographical series] 148 (Tōkyō: Ōzorasha, 1956, 1994).

  • 21 The Meiji University website says that it was founded in January 1881 by a group of young lawyers, (...)

25Kitabatake came to India after a long and distinguished career in the Nishi-Honganji sect, where he was an influential reformer, establishing a militia of monks and peasants in his domain. He then went on to learn German and study German legal texts in Kyoto. He was an important member of the group of reformers who modernised the sect’s institutions and practices. He established the Kitabatake Law Centre, which later became the Meiji University.21 It was at this stage that temple authorities decided it was best to send Kitabatake out of the country. They lavishly funded his European and Indian tour as a means to get him out of the way.

  • 22 Master Kitabatake Dōryū’s India Travels (Kitabatake Dōryū shi Indo kikō), a one page account that p (...)

26Kitabatake travelled between 1881 and 1884 through Europe and the USA, dressed in robes of his own design that resembled a priest’s cassock. On his way back, he spent a month in India and landed back in Japan in January 1884. He quickly published a number of accounts of his pilgrimage to India testifying to the public interest in the almost imaginary land of India and to his popularity as a writer.22 His books and pamphlets on India show him in the garb of a pilgrim, quite different from the image he projected while in Europe and while travelling in India.

27Even though he spent most of his time in Europe, his book was about India which he describes as “the most dangerous place in the world” where wild animals and bandits abound. The people are black, naked and uncivilised. But India had become popular in the Japanese imagination, and Kitabatake focused his books on India. He presents himself as excavating the Buddha’s tomb and the image of him praying along with a Japanese, with black natives in the background, visually establishes his superior position as a Japanese Buddhist.

Image 4. Kitabatake pays obeisance at the tomb of the Buddha

Image 4. Kitabatake pays obeisance at the tomb of the Buddha

Image shows Kitabatake, linked to the Buddha by the radiance from the Buddha’s eyes, in Japanese robes that have the same pattern as the Buddha’s attire, and his Japanese companion in European clothes both standing, while behind them the very black natives, in loin cloths and turbans, on their knees bow reverentially. See Akiyama Tomisaburo, ed. Sekai shuyū tabinikki: ichimei Shakamuni-butsu funbo no yurai 世界周遊旅日記 :一名釈迦牟尼仏墳墓の由来 [A travel diary of a world tour: the history of Shakyamuni’s tomb], 1884. http://dl.ndl.go.jp/​info:ndljp/​pid/​816789

  • 23 See also Jaffe, Richard M., “Seeking Śākyamuni: Travel and the Reconstruction of Japanese Buddhism” (...)

28There was some interest in certain aspects of India, particularly in the Indian ruler Ashoka who famously renounced war after seeing its horrors in the battle of Kalinga, and became a Buddhist. The novelist Mori Ōgai 森鴎外 (1862-1922) wrote a biography of Ashoka in 1909, and the Buddhists established Ashoka hospital in Tokyo.23

29Kitabatake, a trained and scholarly monk, had spent his time in Europe meeting scholars and learning about the places. He had studied German and may have learnt English, but he knew no Indian languages and does not mention any meetings with people or discussions with them. He projects himself as an intrepid explorer in a dangerous land excavating Buddhist sites. There is no sense of a common and shared bond. The late Tokugawa and early Meiji view of India was focused on understanding the colonisation of India by the British. The writings of the Chinese scholar Wei Yuan 魏源 (1794-1857), who became concerned with the threat posed by the Western powers and is known for the compilation, the Illustrated Treatise on the Maritime Kingdoms, where he argued for ways of defending China from the Western powers, found a ready audience in Japan. His chapter on India was translated into Japanese multiple times. Wei Yuan saw India as a defeated country, and this became a powerful example, a warning of what Japan had to protect itself from, and not a model to emulate. The idea of India as the “heavenly land” (tenjiku 天竺) was probably overturned by the end of the 16th century when the Portuguese came to Japan. Hideyoshi imagined that he would subjugate Korea, China and then conquer India but by the mid-19th century India had been relegated in the dominant discourse to a negative example.

V. Building a New Japan and Asia

  • 24 I have discussed Itō Chūta in more detail in “Exploring Asia, Reforming Japan: Ōtani Kōzui and Ito (...)

30Ōtani Kōzui 大谷光瑞 (1876-1948), with whom Kitabatake had been working to reform the temple sect, had also been to India and he worked with the architect Itō Chūta 伊東忠太 (1867-1954), who had travelled across India, to build a new base in Kobe for the sect, away from the established headquarters in Kyoto, so as to get away from the orthodoxy fighting against changes.24

Image 5. Nirakuso Villa

Image 5. Nirakuso Villa

Image 6. Nirakuso Garden

Image 6. Nirakuso Garden

Image 7. Nirakuso Arabian Room

Image 7. Nirakuso Arabian Room

Image 8. Nirakuso Chinese Room

Image 8. Nirakuso Chinese Room

Image 9. Nirakuso Indian Room

Image 9. Nirakuso Indian Room

Images 5-9: Villa Nirakusō and the Ōtani Explorer’s Re-Thinking of Modernism (Nirakuso to Ōtanishinken tai Modernisumu saikō 二楽荘と大谷探検隊モダニズム再考), (Ashiya: Ashiyashiritsu Bijutsu hakubutsukan, 1999). We are most grateful to Mr. Wada Hidetoshi, of the Ryūkoku Museum in Kyoto, for kindly providing access to a good quality definition of images 7 to 9.

31Itō’s architectural style at this time was influenced by his Asian travels. He used the so-called Indo-Sarcenic style to design the Kobe headquarters. Ōtani, like Itō, favoured the Mughal style of architecture then being used by the British in India. The Kobe headquarters was established to train a new modern priesthood and the building was a fine example of a very British colonial building which represented the main elements of Asia. The Indo-Sarcenic style of building was to add Mughal embellishments to a Victorian building. Itō further added Chinese and Japanese elements as well. The building had rooms labelled as Indian, Chinese, and Arab, but each was barely distinguishable from the other. They were part of a common British colonial design. Here the attempt was to create a Japanese architecture using Asian architectural embellishments. However, it should be noted that Itō Chūta studied Indian architecture, both the contemporary and historical, unlike Western scholars who looked only at the past.

  • 25 See Jaffe , Richard M., “Seeking Śākyamuni: Travel and the Reconstruction of Japanese Buddhism” (no (...)

32In these Indian experiences, there are different positions even within the overarching Buddhist viewpoint. Shaku Sōen shows that there are priests who seek to learn what they see as earlier Buddhist practices, directly from the Sinhalese, and not via the West. Kitabatake, on the other hand uses India to project himself both as a pilgrim who is the first Japanese Buddhist to visit the sites associated with the Buddha, but also as one who opens the tomb and leads the “natives” in worship.25 Ōtani’s explorations were an attempt to show Western Orientalists who had begun the Central Asian explorations that Japan had the intellectual and financial resource, and as Buddhists, the obligation and right to trace the routes that took Buddhism to Japan. Itō Chūta’s diaries are replete with architectural drawings, sketches of places and people, even playful caricatures showing how close his study and how detailed his records were. He was impressed with the sculpture and architecture he saw, and unlike contemporary Europeans he was not offended by the “moral depravity” of Khajuraho. He also compared what he saw to Greek sculpture showing that he did not place it in a primitive category, but recognised it as equivalent to the best in the world. These travels and examples served to influence his early architectural style when he returned to Japan.

33However, the Kobe mansion for Ōtani and the Tsukiji Honganji remain isolated examples. His later buildings retain some playful elements from this time, such as the imaginary animals that he uses, but he does not go on to evolve a distinctly Asian style of architecture. Itō’s travels in India and Asia shaped his early architectural philosophy and practice but he gradually moved to become the architect of Heian Jingu in Kyoto and the Shinto shrines in the Japanese colonies. There is no connection between what he sees in Asia and Japan.

VI. A poet looks at the Japanese empire

34The poet Kaneko Mitsuharu 金子光晴 (1895-1975) came to maturity as the Japanese empire was expanding but he was at odds with the prevailing trends. His intellectual and poetic journey reflects his critical look at power and his opposition to war and exploitation. Kaneko writes that it is not possible to understand his emotional life without taking into account that he grew up between the Sino-Japanese and the Russo-Japanese wars, a period of rising nationalism, and that he turned against what he perceived as mindless obedience. His writings about China, Southeast Asia and Europe provide a complex view of how his ideas developed over time, and his questioning of the reigning shibboleths led him to intellectually elaborate a politically critical position against Japanese colonialism. Even as Asianism as a concept had become the lens through which Asia was being seen in Japan, he articulated a different way of thinking about Japan’s colonial empire and the effect it had on the people of the colonised countries.

  • 26 James R. Morita, Kaneko Mitsuharu (Boston: Twaine Publishers, G.K. Hall and Co., 1980), p.74.
  • 27 Morita, pp.70-76.

35A precocious child, Kaneko developed an interest in Greek and Roman history and classical Japan at a very early age. In school he studied science, French, and became a much awarded painter. He was drawn to all things Western. The West appeared to be a bright, unconstrained and quite separate world.26 However, he soon tired of the Marxist educational approach of his school. He found the emphasis on cramming dispiriting, and within a year he was even displeased with the French language. He then began to turn to the “old world”, reading the Chinese Classics, particularly of the pre-Qin period, even giving himself a Chinese name.27 He seriously thought of becoming a Confucian scholar. His reading of Laozi and Zhuangzi, as well as Edo fiction, opened another world.

  • 28 Morita, pp.103-107.

36On top of this serious engagement with classical and popular literature, Kaneko found another exciting world in the writings of Walt Whitman (1819-1892) and Edward Carpenter (1844-1929). In the growing nationalist atmosphere, their writings, in particular Whitman’s poem, To a Common Prostitute, was a revelation and Carpenter’s Towards Democracy introduced him to socialism. He was perhaps most moved by the emphasis on equality that he found in these writers. He also began to read William Blake (1757-1827), the English visionary poet, painter, and printmaker. The British studio potter Bernard Leach (1887-1979) had introduced Blake’s writings to Yanagi Soetsu (1889-1961) who wrote a book on him, bringing his work to the notice of the Japanese world. 28

  • 29 Morita, p.117.

37Kaneko’s first trip to Europe was immediately after the end of WWI. He spent time in England and then Belgium. There he began to read poets like Emile Verhaeren (1855-1916), from whom he learnt about structure and sustained rhythm, the French Symbolists, Charles Baudelaire (1821-1867) and other European writers. When he finally arrived in Paris he was not very impressed, finding it a little dilapidated compared with what he called the glass capital of Brussels.29 He returned to Japan in 1921 at a time when anti-Chinese feelings were rife.

  • 30 Morita, pp.104-148.

38The Great Kantō earthquake of 1923 was a turning point for Kaneko who saw it not just as a simple disaster, but one that showed him that “the new order which the Meiji had erected in a makeshift fashion was gradually stripped of its finish and the incompetence of the groundwork was revealed”. Opposition movements seemed to increase in strength, but according to Kaneko even the Socialists, who were quick to be enraged or indignant, did not think things through. He felt that he had an understanding of the past, so he was better placed to recognise the current evils.30

39In December 1928, he went on his second trip to Europe. He took a boat to Shanghai and Singapore, and then travelled across Malaya and then back to Singapore from where he went to Marseilles and Paris. During this period no one in Japan knew where he was: rumours were that he was playing drums in a jazz band in India. He arrived in Paris quite destitute and so took up whatever earned him some money: writing a doctoral thesis, picture framing, packing cases for tourists, peddling, translating, and painting. However, he stayed away from politics and notes that he was quite ignorant of the rising tide of fascism either in Europe or Japan.

  • 31 Morita, p.171.

40Kaneko returned to Japan in 1932, but since he only had the fare to Singapore he stopped there and went into the hinterland of Malaya. He writes that he was enchanted with his surroundings and even thought of settling down, that listening to the “sounds of the swishing of the nipa palms, the cries of the large-billed birds, the wails of wild monkeys… were more dear to me than my native land”, but he received news of his son’s illness and returned to a Japan where a virulent nationalism was taking hold.31

VII. The political education of Kaneko Mitsuharu

  • 32 Morita, p. 162.

41Kaneko went to China between August 1937 and January 1938 where he came into contact with a large number of writers and activists, vagabonds and intellectuals, such as Nishida Mitsugu 西田税 (1901-1937), Lu Xun 魯迅 (1881-1936), Yu Dafu 郁達夫 (1895-1945). Lu Xun seemed to have left a deep mark on Kaneko who writes that Lu Xun showed him the importance of Taoism. China, Lu Xun said, was Daoist before it became Confucian. Lu Xun, Kaneko writes, “skilfully whittled down China stroke by stroke and held it out for me to see”.32

42In September 1935, Kaneko published a powerful critique of war, the poem Sharks (Same 鮫, 1937) in the magazine Bungei (文芸). A structurally complex poem that narrates the history of East-West conflicts as viewed through the experience of his travels in Southeast Asia: the sharks can be war-headed torpedoes or Japanese colonialists. He ends the poem with the recognition of his powerlessness:

The seal that doesn’t like seals.
But he is still the seal that he is
except 
“a seal
looking the other way”. 33

43In China, he saw the familiar problems of the practice of Japanese colonialism. This experience confirmed his opposition to the war and to the idea of the “righteousness” of the Japanese cause. He argued that it was the trade of militarists to go to war and that is why it was natural for them to lead Japan down this path, but equally he recognised that the ambitions of the militarists and policy makers were supported by the Japanese public.

44Yu Dafu was in Japan at that time. He had come to take Guo Moruo (1892-1978) back to China. Yu drew the cover for the book Shark. Kaneko’s other works “Foam” (Awa 泡) was an exposure of Japanese army atrocities, “Angels” (Tenshi 天使), a rejection of conscription, and pacifist in its ideas, “Family Crests” (Mon 紋), May 1937, was an analysis of the feudal nature of Japan.

  • 34 Morita, p.185.

45During his trip to North China, Kaneko took the critical view that Japan’s aggression could not be justified as a response to Western imperialism. He argued that war was a trade for soldiers but there was popular support. Only when the people began to suffer privation did they start claiming they had always opposed these policies. However, while the war was going well, “the great majority had pretty positive and frenzied opinions and smothered their opponents”.34 Kaneko argued that the responsibility for the war belonged to everyone, but even today, over seventy years after the end of WWII, it is an idea still hard to accept.

  • 35 Morita, p.187.

46Kaneko writes that he was surprised to find how submissive the people had become. The Meiji people, he thought, were quite hot-headed : people would burn police boxes to oppose a one sen rise in fares, but now, that is in the 1930s-40s, they succumbed so tamely. Kaneko was impressed by the underlying strength of Meiji national education which had inculcated patriotism in primary school. To understand the intellectual origins of this nationalism, he turned to explore the writings that produced these ideas. Thinkers such as Motoori Norinaga 本居宣長 (1730-1801), the influential National School of Learning (kokugaku 国学) scholar who laid the basis for thinking about the uniqueness of Japan because of its divinely descended emperor, Hirata Atsutane 平田篤胤 (1776-1843) and key figure in the same tradition, and Satō Nobuhiro 佐藤信淵 (1769-1850), an early proponent of adopting Western science to Japanese philosophical ideas.35

47This reading, far from turning him into a nationalist, reinforced his anti-authoritarian ideas. In 1940, he published A Travelogue of Malaya and the Dutch East Indies (Marei Ran’in kikō マレー蘭印紀行) which documented Southeast Asia not as a tropical paradise but an area of abandoned rubber plantations, Japanese clubhouses and native labourers : coolies, prostitutes and those subsisting at the lowest levels of society. Kaneko makes quite clear his opposition to the Japanese behaviour in these colonies and their treatment of the local population, and to war in general.

  • 36 Morita, p. 167.

48Writing about his experiences in the countryside of Malaya, which was commonly viewed as a tropical paradise of palm trees, he notes, “My eyes saw not the strange scenes of the south but the wretchedness of the native population in their blood-stained rags”. He writes he lived much like a native : “I had descended to the level of the native population –I lived gorging curry with my fingers and eating sate by the roadside”, and this experience on the margins of colonial life made him appreciate their problems all the more. His experience and his readings further sharpened his social critique. Returning to Singapore, he read Lenin on imperialism and the writings of Max Stirner, and wrote that the conditions that these writers discuss are those he could see around him, that there were “no better samples of men worn out by exploitation and forced labour than those before my eyes”.36

  • 37 Morita, p. 188.

49In the period after Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbour, the Literary Patriotic Society was planning a meeting of writers from the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere in preparation for a Great East Asian Conference to be held in Tokyo in 1943 that would bring leaders from the Japanese territories to affirm their support for Japan and its leadership. Kaneko found himself at odds with the Literary Patriotic Society and opposed the proposal that writers from the Co-Prosperity Sphere, when they came to Japan, should bow to the imperial palace and read pamphlets about the world under one roof (hakkō ichiu 八紘一宇), a key slogan of the Japanese militarists.37 Kaneko had many differences because of his critical stance as his travels in China and Southeast Asia had brought him into contact with the everyday violence of Japanese colonialism and inspired his passionate critique. He withdrew from the organising committee in December 1942. Unlike many of his compatriots who were shocked when the war ended, he writes that he “put on St Louis Blues on the gramophone and danced about in the excess of our delight”.

Conclusion

50The discourse of Asianism grew out of arguments developed by diverse groups of people, but this diversity was reduced as it was appropriated by the Japanese state to first assert its primacy in the region, and then justify its drive to build a colonial empire and frame this objective as undertaken for the development of Asia. Ideas propounded earlier were incorporated into this vision. The Buddhist monks’ discovery of India was part of their enterprise to remake Japanese Buddhism for the modern world, to assert the importance of their doctrinal position even as a World Buddhism was beginning to take shape. Kitabatake’s interlude in India was a moment when India as the land of the Buddha had become important, but in his trajectory it was but one aspect of his intellectual and religious project.

51Kitabatake’s thinking was shaped in the late Tokugawa environment where reform of the state to meet the dangers of the West was an overriding concern. One major thrust was to unify the domain cutting across status and class differences. Kitabatake was an important player in the dominial reforms undertaken in Kii (modern Wakayama prefecture). Kitabatake worked within the political framework of the Bakufu Court alliance (kōbu gattai 公武合体) in the 1860s, during the last years of the Tokugawa bakufu. In the early Meiji period, he was side-lined by the temple orthodoxy and struck an independent path, first in setting up a law university and then, becoming a preacher of gender equality and education as the basis for strengthening the state. His political and intellectual trajectory does not fit into an incipient Asianism, but rather has to be understood as developing within the global structures of power where Western knowledge was dominant. Kitabatake learns from Western military practices, studies German law, and together with his understanding of Buddhist doctrine crafts a message directed beyond the followers of the sect to a national audience, combining a moral vision with national goals.

52Okakura Tenshin identified the contours of Japan’s history, art and culture as a product of diverse Asian influences and this rich amalgam provided the basis for its future. He saw Japan as an inextricable part of developments on the Asian continent, yet also different. The difference can sometimes be read as superiority, but his ideas were not always framed as an assertion of Japan’s leadership. The main thrust of his arguments was an attempt to explore the past to extract a way of thinking about Japan and Asia’s future that was not expressed through Western modes of consciousness. This marked the appeal and originality of his writing. Aware of the domination of the West both through military power but also its control over knowledge, he understood the necessity of the nation-state as the basis for creating an alternative to the Western state. This was also his limitation and, after his death, his ideas were used to justify Japan’s Greater Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere, a distortion of the fundamental direction of his thinking.

53Kaneko Mitsuharu’s thinking, as I have argued, was formed in confrontation with events as he engaged with the increasingly aggressive nationalism of the 1930s and 1940s through his reading supported by his observations of life of the colonised in the colonies. As he read and travelled, he discovered new worlds, and questioned established ideas and government policies. His complete dismissal of Japanese success as a mark of failure, of frustration (zetsubō 絶望), grows out of a total rejection of the basis for Japan’s “success” –based as it was on the exploitative nature of Japanese colonialism.

54It is always difficult to define an idea that has a history, as Nietzsche pointed out, it should be seen as a process. Asianism as state doctrine became a way to legitimise and sanction practices of domination and control. The social norms so created were widely accepted, but there were questioning voices. I locate these voices within the larger tradition of resistance and argue that placing them outside the idea of Asianism shows a more complex picture of the ways state violence, physical as well as epistemic, was resisted in Japan.

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Shirasu Jōshin 白須浄眞, “The Modern Change in Japanese Buddhist groups – Ōtani Kōzui and the Exploration of Central Asia”, (“Nihon butsuto no kindaitekisei-Ōtani Kōzui no chuō aji tanken”, 日本仏徒の近代的転成—大谷光瑞の中央アジア探検)) in Shirasu Jōshin, Ōtani Kōzui to kokusaiseiji shakai chibetto, tankentai, shingai kakumei, 大谷光瑞と国際政治社会チベット、探検隊、辛亥革命 (Bensei Publishers, 2011), pp.111-129.

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Tankha, Brij, “Exploring Asia, Reforming Japan: Ōtani Kōzui and Itō Chūta”, in Selcuk Essenbel, ed., Japan on the Silk Road: Encounters and Perspectives of Politics and Culture in Eurasia, (Leiden: Brill, 2017).

Tankha, Brij, “Religion and Modernity: Strengthening the People” in Rosa Caroli and Pierre-François Souyri, eds., History at Stake in East Asia, (Venezia, Libreria Editrice Cafoscarina, 2012), pp. 3-20.

Tankha, Brij, ed., Shadows of the Past of Okakura Tenshin and Pan-Asianism, (Kolkata: Sampark, 2007), republished as Okakura Tenshin and Pan-Asianism: Shadows of the Past (Leiden: Brill, 2008).

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Notes

1 All Japanese publications are from Tokyo unless otherwise stated.

2 See “An Argument to Expel Asia” (Datsu-A-ron), Jiji shinpō 時事新報, March 16, 1885
https://khasegawa.wordpress.com/syllabi/modern-japanese-history/japanese-empire-and-colonial-expansion/datsu-a-ron-脱亜論/
The essay was written anonymously but is usually attributed to Fukuzawa Yukichi. His views of Asia were more complex than the often quoted article suggests. In two of his books, Pocket Almanac of the World (Bankoku ichiran 掌中万国一覧) and Countries of the World (Sekai kunizukushi 世界國盡), he divides the world geographically, racially, culturally and politically. Racially his classification, while it reflects European reading, does not follow the usual divisions. The white race lives in Europe, Western Asia, North Africa and America; the yellow people in China, Finland, and Lapland and the red people are found in North and South America. The blacks who have yet to understand the meaning of “civilisation and progress” (kaika shinpo開化進歩) are to be found in Africa, south of the Sahara, and as slaves in the United States. The Pacific Islands, the African coast and the East Indies are, he writes, populated by brown people. Western views were shaping a racial division of the world but here they are being incorporated within existing Japanese ideas. See for instance, Fukuzawa Yukichi, Countries of the World (Sekai kunizukushi), (Tokyo: Nihon Kindai Bungakkan,1968).

3 See Saaler, Sven and Christopher W.A. Szpilman, eds., Pan Asianism A Documentary History, Vol.1. 1850-1920 and Vol.2 1920-Present, (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers Inc., 2011).

4 Government patronage provided resources to create the basis for the institutional structure to support this new knowledge production: 1877 New Asia Society (Shin’asha 新亜社), 1880 Revive Asia Society (Kōakai 興亜会), established by Ōkubo Toshimichi and others, 1883 Asia Association (Ajia kyōkai 亜細亜協会), 1881 Black Ocean Society (Gen’yōsha玄洋社), 1898 East Asia Culture Association (Higashi Ajia dōbunkai 東亜同文会), which merged in 1898 with the East Asia Society (Tōakai 東亜会) and Konoe Fumimaro 近衛文麿 as its head, and 1901 Black Dragon Society (Kokuryūkai ) under the leadership of Uchida Ryōhei (内田良平, 1874-1937).

See also for the idea of race Tessa Morris Suzuki, Re-inventing Japan Time, Space, and Nation, (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1998), p.100.

5 See Nishikawa Joken, Yonjyuni koku jinbutsu enzetsu (Tokyo iinsei kabushigaisha,1898). Tonkin, for instance uses Chinese characters. India has a hot climate and the people live in extreme poverty, look poorly fed and minimally clothed: http://dl.ndl.go.jp/info:ndljp/pid/761120.

6 See my Okakura Tenshin: “Asia is One”, in Saaler, Pan-Asianism, vol. 1, pp. 93-100.

7 Okakura’s major writings were The Awakening of the East (written in 1901 in English but first published in 1938 in a Japanese translation as Risō no saiken (理想の再建), Kawade Shobō, 1938, and in the original English by Seibunkaku in 1940), The Ideals of the East with Special Reference to the Arts of Japan (written 1901, published 1903), The Awakening of Japan (1905) and The Book of Tea (1906). The notes for the Awakening of the East were written while Okakura was in India, (December 1901- October 1902). See, Okakura Tenshin zenshu in 8 vols. and a supplement (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1979-1981), vol.1 p. 480.

8 The Awakening of Japan (New York: Century,1904), p.7.

9 Awakening, p.12.

10 Awakening, pp.15 and 17.

11 Awakening, p.18.

12 The Ideals of the East with Special Reference to the Arts of Japan (London: J. Murray,1903), p.14.

13 Ideals, p.16.

14 Ideals, p.16.

15 Ideals, pp.131 and 235 where Okakura defines advaita as the state of not being two, meaning that all reality though it appears manifold is one so that “all truth must be discoverable in any single differentiation, the whole universe involved in every detail. All thus becomes equally precious.”

16 Ideals, p.131.

17 See my unpublished paper, “Colonial Pilgrims: Japanese Buddhists and the Dilemma of a United Asia”, 20th International Association of Historians of Asia, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, November 14-17, 2008.

18 For Kitabatake Dōryū’s journey to India, see Nishikawa Hensho and Nagaoka Senshin, Tenjiku koroji shoken, (Tokyo: Aranami Heijiro, 1886).

19 Ideals, p.89.

20 See my “Monks in Modern Dress: The Dilemma of Being Japanese and Asian”, in Kyunghee Pyun and Aida Yuen Wong, eds., Fashion, Identity, and Power in Modern Asia, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, pp. 309-337.

21 The Meiji University website says that it was founded in January 1881 by a group of young lawyers, Tatsuo Kishimoto, Kozo Miyagi and Misao Yashiro. It does say, however, that they had lectured in Dōryū’s academy, but when students who were dissatisfied with his policies turned to them, they established a new school. http://www.meiji.ac.jp/cip/english/about/history.html

22 Master Kitabatake Dōryū’s India Travels (Kitabatake Dōryū shi Indo kikō), a one page account that publicised his pilgrimage to the Buddha’s tomb to a wide audience, and A Travel diary of a world tour: The History of Shakyamuni’s Tomb (Sekai shūyū tabinikki: Ichimei Shakamuni-butsu funbo no yurai世界周遊旅日記 :一名釈迦牟尼仏墳墓の由来 (Tokyo: Kyuyunsha, 1884), p. 23. http://dl.ndl.go.jp/info:ndljp/pid/816789, and this was followed by a more comprehensive account, 北畠道竜 著 Things Seen en route to India (Tenjiku kōroji shoken天竺行路次所見), Aranami Hirajiro (荒浪平治郎, 1886). https://ndlonline.ndl.go.jp/ - !/detail/R300000001-I000000461624-00.

23 See also Jaffe, Richard M., “Seeking Śākyamuni: Travel and the Reconstruction of Japanese Buddhism”, in Karen Derris and Natalie Gummer, eds., Defining Buddhism(s): A Reader (New York: Routledge, 2008).

See Shirase, pp.85-86, and “Ōgai zenshu”, vol 4, Iwanami shoten (鴎外全集、第四間、岩波書店), 1972.

24 I have discussed Itō Chūta in more detail in “Exploring Asia, Reforming Japan: Ōtani Kōzui and Ito Chūta”, Selcuk Essenbel, ed., Japan on the Silk Road: Encounters and Perspectives of Politics and Culture in Eurasia, (Leiden: Brill, 2017).

25 See Jaffe , Richard M., “Seeking Śākyamuni: Travel and the Reconstruction of Japanese Buddhism” (note 21).

26 James R. Morita, Kaneko Mitsuharu (Boston: Twaine Publishers, G.K. Hall and Co., 1980), p.74.

27 Morita, pp.70-76.

28 Morita, pp.103-107.

29 Morita, p.117.

30 Morita, pp.104-148.

31 Morita, p.171.

32 Morita, p. 162.

33 https://www.poetryinternational.org/pi/poem/12103/auto/0/0/Mitsuharu-Kaneko/Seals/en/tile accessed 2018.

34 Morita, p.185.

35 Morita, p.187.

36 Morita, p. 167.

37 Morita, p. 188.

Table des illustrations

Titre Image 1
Légende Ryūkyū Islanders http://dl.ndl.go.jp/​info:ndljp/​pid/​761120. Nishikawa Joken 西川如見, “People from forty-two countries” (Yonjyuni koku jinbutsu zusetsu 四十二国人物図説)
URL http://books.openedition.org/cdf/docannexe/image/11327/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 1,1M
Titre Image 2
Légende http://dl.ndl.go.jp/​info:ndljp/​pid/​761120. Nishikawa Joken 西川如見, “People from forty-two countries” (Yonjyuni koku jinbutsu zusetsu 四十二国人物図説)
URL http://books.openedition.org/cdf/docannexe/image/11327/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 260k
Titre Image 3. Kitabatake as Pilgrim
Légende Illustration on Table of contents page in Gōzō Kitabatake Dōryū Kenshōkai 豪僧北畠道竜顕彰会 (Society to Honour the Great Monk Kitabatake Dōryū), ed., Gōzō Kitabatake Dōryū: denki 豪僧北畠道龍: 伝記 [Biography of the great monk Kitabatake Dōryū], Denki sōsho 伝記叢書 [Biographical series] 148 (Tōkyō: Ōzorasha, 1956, 1994).
URL http://books.openedition.org/cdf/docannexe/image/11327/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 485k
Titre Image 4. Kitabatake pays obeisance at the tomb of the Buddha
Légende Image shows Kitabatake, linked to the Buddha by the radiance from the Buddha’s eyes, in Japanese robes that have the same pattern as the Buddha’s attire, and his Japanese companion in European clothes both standing, while behind them the very black natives, in loin cloths and turbans, on their knees bow reverentially. See Akiyama Tomisaburo, ed. Sekai shuyū tabinikki: ichimei Shakamuni-butsu funbo no yurai 世界周遊旅日記 :一名釈迦牟尼仏墳墓の由来 [A travel diary of a world tour: the history of Shakyamuni’s tomb], 1884. http://dl.ndl.go.jp/​info:ndljp/​pid/​816789
URL http://books.openedition.org/cdf/docannexe/image/11327/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 923k
Titre Image 5. Nirakuso Villa
URL http://books.openedition.org/cdf/docannexe/image/11327/img-5.png
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Titre Image 6. Nirakuso Garden
URL http://books.openedition.org/cdf/docannexe/image/11327/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 145k
Titre Image 7. Nirakuso Arabian Room
URL http://books.openedition.org/cdf/docannexe/image/11327/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 456k
Titre Image 8. Nirakuso Chinese Room
URL http://books.openedition.org/cdf/docannexe/image/11327/img-8.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 408k
Titre Image 9. Nirakuso Indian Room
Légende Images 5-9: Villa Nirakusō and the Ōtani Explorer’s Re-Thinking of Modernism (Nirakuso to Ōtanishinken tai Modernisumu saikō 二楽荘と大谷探検隊モダニズム再考), (Ashiya: Ashiyashiritsu Bijutsu hakubutsukan, 1999). We are most grateful to Mr. Wada Hidetoshi, of the Ryūkoku Museum in Kyoto, for kindly providing access to a good quality definition of images 7 to 9.
URL http://books.openedition.org/cdf/docannexe/image/11327/img-9.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 408k

Auteur

Brij Tankha retired in 2012 as Professor of Modern Japanese History, Department of East Asia, University of Delhi, and is currently Honorary Fellow, Institute of Chinese Studies, Delhi. He was Visiting Fellow at the Institut d'études avancées, Nantes, from October 2019 to June 2020. His research interests focus on nationalism, religion, Japan’s relations with China and India. Amongst his main publications are: Kita Ikki and the Making of Modern Japan: A Vision of Empire (London, Global Oriental, 2006) ; Translated from the Japanese, Sato Tadao, Mizoguchi Kenji no sekai (The world of Mizoguchi Kenji): Kenzo Mizoguchi and The Art of Japanese Cinema (Oxford, Berg Publishers, 2008) ; Edited, Shadows of the Past of Okakura Tenshin and Pan-Asianism (Kolkata, Sampark, 2007); republished as Okakura Tenshin and Pan-Asianism: Shadows of the Past (Leiden, Brill, 2008).

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