New evidence on the beginning of bronze coinage in northern Greece
p. 119-128
Texte intégral
1The early date of the introduction of bronze coinage in northern Greece has quite early been ascertained by scholars due to the indisputable presence of Archelaus’ of Macedon bronze coinage1. However, the chronology of this incident was considered to be dated to the latest period of Archelaus’ reign, about 400 BC2. That happened because the bronze currency, a really monetary innovation, that was introduced to facilitate every day commercial transactions3, was apparently not appropriate in a rather undeveloped economy, like that of Macedon of the 5th century BC.
2This chronology has recently risen up to about twenty years, as Psoma dated the first bonze issues in the name of the Chalcidians of Thrace to the end of the 420’s or to the beginning of the 410’s BC4; thus, the coinage of the Chalcidians of Thrace proved to be not only the earliest in northern Greece but one of the earliest in the whole Greek world.
3In this paper I will try to show that this innovative practice of the Chalcidians was not an isolated incident, as new excavation finds and new interpretations of already known types reveal a new numismatic picture in northern Greece5.
The case of Mende
4A new bronze coin type came to light during recent excavations in the ancient city of Mende at the Pallene peninsula of Chalcidice6. The new type bears a cantharus on the obverse and the letters M and E framing a grape cluster on the reverse (fig. 1-2). Four pieces of this type were found during the 1988, 2002 and 2003 excavation seasons. They weigh 0.60 (MENΔ 312), 0.80, 1.13 and 1.28 (MENΔ 278) grams, while their average weight is 0.95 grams, although the 0.60 grams piece is a little bit broken in its rim. Their average diameter is 10.25 mm. Therefore, the new type has to represent the denomination C that is a chalkous. The four surviving pieces seem to have been struck by different obverse and reverse dies.
Fig. 1. Inv. no. MENΔ 278, AE
obv.: Cantharus rev.: Grape cluster; M – E
Fig. 2. Inv. no. MENΔ 312, AE
obv.: Cantharus rev.: Grape cluster; M – E
5However, this bronze coin type of Mende is not actually a new one. Another specimen of this type, the first of its kind, came to light during the 1934 excavation season in Olynthus, but since it could not be identified it was recorded as unattributed coin. On plate 33, in the 9th volume of Olynthus publication, on coin no 8, both the cantharus on the obverse and the grape cluster on the reverse are clearly distinguished, while the letter E is outlined right in the field and the right vertical line of M is shown in the left field.7
6185 bronze coins of the local mint were found during the recent excavations in ancient Mende. The ratio by type and denomination is as follows:
| Types | pieces |
| Denomination C (cantharus/ grape cluster) | 4 |
| Denomination A (Dionysus/amphora) | 15 |
| Denomination B (Dionysus/2 amphorae) | 11 |
| Denomination C (Dionysus/amphora) | 155 |
| Total | 185 |
7On table, the distribution is the following:
Distribution of Bronze Mendean coins by type.
8Thus, we have a new type in Mende’s bronze coins production that still remains within the Dionysian iconographic tradition of that mint. The cantharus/grape cluster type is a direct allusion to the famous 5th century tetradrachms of the city, on which Dionysus8 reclining on an ass holding a cantharus is depicted on the obverse and a vine of five grape clusters9 (towards the end of production even four10) on the reverse. The new bronze type seems to be an abbreviated version of the tetradrachm type.
9In numismatic iconography it is very common to use parts of the images found on the main big silver denominations in the fractions. An example of this practice dated to the 5th century BC can be found in the scale of denominations of Alexander I coin production, on which the horseman was transformed to a horse afterwards to a forepart of a horse and finally to a horse’s head11. One can find a similar practice on the coins of Acanthus12, of Stagira13 and of Argilus14 as well as on the coins of Mende, where the ass was finally reduced to a head15. Furthermore, the transfer of a basic iconographic attribute from the main large silver denomination to a bronze issue as obverse or reverse type is not without parallel in numismatic iconography. Potidaea provides a typical example, where the trident of Poseidon Hippios from the obverse of silver tetradrachms16 is used as a reverse type for the city’s denomination B bronze issues (Athena/trident type)17.
10The depiction of a cantharus as a main coin type is not uncommon in the numismatic iconography of northern Greece, where Dionysian imagery is widespread. It occurs first in Mende as reverse type in a series of small silver fractions18. It also occurs in a series of the so-called uncertain Thraco-Macedonian coins19, and in three series of silver fractions recently attributed to Maroneia20.
11The grape cluster is a popular coin type throughout the Greek world. To mention just some mints from northern Greece, the grape cluster occurs in silver fractions of Maroneia21, Dikaia-by-Abdera22 and Tragilus23 dated to the 5th century BC. The depiction of a grape cluster also occurs in the numismatic iconography of a series of cities in Chalcidice and especially in the Pallene peninsula. In Mende it plays an important role as a supplementary motif on the obverse of her tetradrachms24 from the very beginning of the coin production. Furthermore, the vine of five or later of four grape clusters will be almost exclusively depicted on reverses of the same denominations during the 5th century BC, when the incuse square was abandoned25. From 424/423 BC the grape cluster is not used as a Mendean coin type, either in silver or in bronze coins of the 4th century BC.
12In a series of small silver fractions of neighboring Scione dated to the end of the third quarter of the 5th century BC, a young male head is depicted on the obverse and a grape cluster inside an incuse square on the reverse26. Also, in a rare bronze series of the same mint a female head is depicted on the obverse and a grape cluster on the reverse (from Peter Franke collection now in Yale University collection).
13The Mendean style vine with grape clusters occurs also on the reverse of the biggest silver denominations of the city of Aphytis dated to the 5th century BC27. Furthermore, in a rare bronze series of the same mint a horned male head is depicted as an obverse and a grape cluster as a reverse28.
14In a very rare series of silver tritartemoria of Capsa a bearded male head with petasus to right or a young male head with taenia to left is depicted as an obverse and a grape cluster framed by the letters K and A as a reverse. These coins are dated “after the beginning of the last quarter of the 5th century BC”29.
Dating
15As we have seen from the above, the iconography of this new coin type is in the tradition of the 5th century BC. The production of tetradrachms of the Dionysus on ass/vine with grape clusters type seems to stop just after 432 BC. The series of drachms depicting Dionysus reclining on ass holding a cantharus as an obverse and an amphora with the inscription ΜΕΝΔΑΙΗ as a reverse is dated during the end of the 420’s30 Drachms of the head of Dionysus/amphora type are dated to the 4th century BC as they refer to the new series of tetradrachms of the head of Dionysus/ass type31, as well as to the well-known bronze coins of the Dionysus/amphora type, issues of the 4th century BC. The beginning of production of the latter has been recently dated to just after the liberation of the city by Lysander, after 404 BC and continues to be issued during the 4th century BC.32
16According to iconographic and stylistic criteria, the cantharus/grape cluster new type cannot be placed in the production of bronze coins of head of Dionysus/amphora type, and should therefore be dated to the 5th century and more specifically before 404 BC.
17The silver tritartemoria of Capsa are very important for a more precise dating of the new bronze type of Mende. The circular incuse square, the grape cluster, the abbreviated form of the ethnic, everything is pointing out to the new bronze type of Mende33. Therefore a dating of the new bronze type of Mende to the end of the 420’s or better to the begging of the 410’s seems possible. If so, this type is the introductory bronze issue of Mende coexisting with the issuing of reduced weight drachms. Also at the same time Olynthus issues her first bronze coins in a corresponding denomination34.
The case of Potidaea
18Until recently one series of bronze coins of Potidaea with two denominations was known. Denomination A of Athena in Corinthian helmet/Pegasus type35 and denomination B of Athena in Corinthian helmet/trident type36. These coins are rarely found in excavations. However, a great number of denomination B, to be exact, 175 pieces and 4 pieces of the rarer denomination A were found during the Olynthus excavation37. This series was recently dated around 361 BC38.
19A second series of bronze coins with one denomination has recently been reattributed to Potidaea39. It is the very rare series of the female head/bull in the position of sacrifice type40. This series, although initially attributed to Potidaea by Postolakas, has been known until recently as the denomination B of the first series of the Bottiaeans41 due to Gaebler’s misreading of its legend ΠΟΤΕΙ as BOTTI42. In 1996 Psoma read the legend correctly and confirmed the Postolakas attribution43. This second Potidaean series was recognised as denomination B dated to the first decade of the 4th century BC, on the basis of stylistic criteria compared to the first Bottiaean series44.
20Until recently very few coins of this type were known. In Olynthus 14 coins are attributed to the first series of the Bottiaeans counting among them, very probably 2 coins of Potidaea of the female head/bull in the position of sacrifice type45. Robinson gives the weight only for one of them, that is 1.13 grams for the Olynthus III, 777 specimen. Westermark gives two weights for these coins: 2.14 and 1.13 grams46. During recent excavations in northern Greece some new pieces came to light: two coins in Makrygialos (ancient Pydna) weighing 1.20 and 1.25 grams. Four coins in Methone weighing 1, 1.04, 1.06 and 1.30 grams respectively. Three coins in Nea Kallikrateia (ancient Dikaia) weighing 1.26, 1.28 and 1.25 respectively. Two coins in Mende both weighing 1.45 grams. Finally, one coin in Stageira weighing 1.03 grams. Their diameters range from 9.5 to 11 mm. With the exception of Wertermark’s 2.14 grams weight, which appears to be isolated, all the other weights and diameters suggest the identification of these coins as denomination C, that is chalkoi.
21The geographical distributions of these two Potidaean series are very different:
Athena/Pegasus and Athena/trident types
| Number | Site | pieces |
| 1 | Makrygialos (ancient Pydna) | 1 |
| 2 | Nea Kallikrateia (ancient Dikaia) | 1 |
| 3 | Olynthus | 179 |
| 4 | Mecyberna | 3 |
| 5 | Aphytis | 2 |
| 6 | Mende | 2 |
| 7 | Stageira | 2 |
| Total | 190 |
Female head/bull in the position of sacrifice type
| Number | Site | pieces |
| 1 | Makrygialos (ancient Pydna) | 2 |
| 2 | Methone | 4 |
| 3 | Nea Kallikrateia (ancient Dikaia) | 3 |
| 4 | Olynthus | 2 |
| 5 | Mende | 2 |
| 6 | Stageira | 1 |
| Total | 14 |
22As we can see only two coins of the female head/bull in the position of sacrifice type were found in Olynthus, although the overwhelming majority of the Athena/Pegasus and trident types were found in this city. On the contrary, despite their rarity, coins of the female head/bull in the position of sacrifice type were found in a certain number of cities like Pydna, Methone, Dikaia Mende and Stageira and in some cases, like Pydna and Dikaia in greater number than coins of the Athena/Pegasus and Athena/trident types.
Dating
23The dating of the female head/bull in the position of sacrifice type to the first decade of the 4th century BC raises some questions.
The case of Olynthus
24The liberation of Potidaea, Torone and Scione by Lyssander in 404 BC resulted in the expulsion of the Athenian colonists (and Plataeans at Scione) and the return of the original inhabitants or their descendents to their old homelands47. The majority of them had taken refuge in the neighbouring Olynthus. As it was expected, living all these years with the Olynthians, the refugees had developed friendly relations and felt gratitude for them. As a result these cities came under the influence of Olynthus and soon joined the federation48. If these coins were the first issued after 404 BC, one would expect them to find their way to the neighbouring Olynthus in larger quantities. Furthermore, the large number of coins of the Athena/trident type found at Olynthus was explained due to the proximity of the two cities49.
The case of Pydna
25The finding of these coins in Pydna raises further questions about their dating during the period from 404 to the first decade of the 4th century BC. As it is known, Pydna was abandoned from the revolt of 410 BC50 until the reign of Amyntas III51. It seems most likely these coins have entered Pydna before the siege of 410 BC.
The case of Sybaris-Thurii
26The coin type of standing bull and of bull in the position of sacrifice is of Magna Grecian origin and in particular it comes from the coinage of Sybaris-Thurii52. The influence of southern Italy in the coinage of Macedon and Chalkidice, during the second half of the 5th century BC, has been substantiated by scholars53. The early tetrobol of Aeneia54 which copies in every detail the counterpart drachm of Sybaris IV55 is the most typical case.
27The bull in the position of sacrifice is an advanced version of the standing bull found on Thurii’s coinage56. The bull on coins of this South Italian city starts to be depicted standing r., head reverted (c. 440/435 BC)57, just like the Sybaris IV type (446-444 BC)58. The bull continues to be depicted standing or head lowered (c. 435-410/405 BC)59, to end in the position of sacrifice (c. 415/410-400 BC)60. Bronze coins developed in the same way as silver coins. The Potidaean bull in the position of sacrifice is similar to the counterpart of the last group of Thurii (c. 415/410-400 BC)61.
28As it is well known, the Pan-Hellenic colony of Thurii was founded by Athens on the site of Sybaris in 444 BC. The Athenian character of the new city is reflected in numismatic iconography, even from the period of Sybaris IV, when the head of Athena in a laureate attic helmet used as its obverse type is already “a very Athenian Athena”62. The iconographic type of a bull standing or in the position of sacrifice seems to be adopted by cites in northern Greece, which were under the influence of Athens. Aeneia remained loyal to Athens and it was the only city in the Crousis that does not participate in the revolt of 432 BC63. Potidaea, after its conquest by the Athenians in 430/429 BC is practically an Athenian territory, because the Athenians installed cleruchs, after the Potidaeans were allowed to leave the city64. Bottiaeans of the North made the known alliance with the Athenians in 422 BC65. Finally, Archelaus was a firm ally of the Athenians66 and was honoured for his generosity to the Athenian people67.
The case of Athenian cleruchies
29According to the above, it seems that the period of Athenian control over Potidaea (from 430/429 to 404 BC) was the ideal context for the issuing of a coin after a Thurian original. As we have already seen, in this period, Potidaea was actually an Athenian cleruchy. On bronze issues of Athenian cleruchs from Imbros, Lemnos and Scyros dated to the 1st century BC, the ethnics Α-Θ-Ε/ΙΝΒΡΙ, Α-ΘΕ/ΛΗΜΝΙΩ, Α-ΘΕ/C-KY are inscribed68. However, these are much later coins and it is probably not a good idea to examine them in conjunction with the female head/bull in the position of sacrifice type.
The case of Pydna again
30A very recent find provides confirmation for the arguments made in this essay. The fourteen coins of the Potidaean female head/bull in the position of sacrifice type mentioned above were found in excavations in northern Greece. None can however be used for a more precise dating of the type. On the contrary, another piece, the fifteenth of this type, has come to light recently in Pydna excavations. It was found in a pit, remnant of the basement of a house just outside the city of Pydna. The pit was sealed by a destruction layer. According to the excavator, stratigraphy and pottery evidence, date the destruction of the house during the siege of the city by Archelaus in 410 BC.
31On that basis, I think that we can date the Potidaean female head/bull in the position of sacrifice bronze type to the 410’s BC.
The case of Archelaus
32The bronze coins of Archelaus are of three types and two denominations:
331st type
34Denomination B: Lion’s mask/forepart of bull; APXE
352nd type
36Denomination B: Lion’s mask/forepart of boar; APXE
373rd type
38Denomination C: Lion’s mask/forepart of boar; APXE
39Comparing these issues with those of Rhegion and Thurii, Westermark considered the 1st type as introductory of Archelaus’s bronze coin production arguing that it copies Rhegion lion’s mask on the obverse and Thurian forepart of bull on the reverse69. She suggested that an exact copy of a foreign original had been suitable for an imported species like bronze coinage. That type “was soon found alien to the national scheme” so it was abandoned and replaced by a more local type such as the 2nd and 3rd which bear a forepart of boar as a reverse, a type occurring in a silver obol of Perdiccas II70 and continues occurring in issues of Archelaus’s successors.
40However, if we observe the royal numismatic iconography, we see that when a king repeats a numismatic type of his predecessor this is usually applied for his first issue. These are the cases of Philip II71, Antigonus Gonatas72 and Philip V73. Therefore, it is more likely that the 2nd and 3rd Archelaus’ types were followed by the 1st type, while it is more probable that the beginning of Archelaus’ bronze coinage took place during and not towards the end of his reign.
41Furthermore, an Archelaus’ bronze coin of denomination C found in Pydna excavations74 supports the dating of the beginning of bronze coinage of Archelaus before 410 BC, since Pydna was abandoned from the revolt of 410 BC until the reign of Amyntas III75. Also, this denomination was probably the introductory issue of Archelaus’ bronze coinage, just like the Chalcidians, Mende and Potidaea.
The case of Acanthus
42A very important hoard of 36 coins (CH 9.23) has recently been published by Kaltsas in Akanthos I, the first volume of the publication of the Acanthus’ excavations. It is a grave hoard of 36 coins from the Acanthus cemetery and it actually consists of two lots as follows76:
43Lot I: 27 silver coins as follows:
44Acanthus
45Bull head/incuse square: 3 coins
46Head of Apollo/lyre: 17 coins
47Chalcidian League
48Head of Apollo/laurel branch TPIH: 7 coins
49Lot II: 9 bronze coins as follows:
50Acanthus
51Denomination B: Head of Athena/AKAN in a four part linear square
52The excavator dated the burial of the hoard to the end of the 5th or to the beginning of the 4th century BC77. However, it is obvious that this dating was proposed because of the presence of the bronze coins, since all the silver coins can be dated within the 5th century BC.
53I suggest that the hoard can be dated to the 5th century BC, together with the Acanthian bronze coins of denomination B. The presence of another grave good seems to support such an early dating. It’s a small clay bowl78, a local imitation of an Athenian original dating to 450 BC79. Although as an imitation this bowl has to be dated later than 450 BC but not much later than that. According to recent suggestions “the chronological distance between an attic original pot and a local imitation should not be as large as is usually considered”80.
Conclusions
54The evidence presented in this essay reveals an entirely new picture of the begging of bronze coinage in northern Greece. It seems that quite a few minting authorities, like the Chalcidian League, Mende, Potidaea, the kings of Macedon and possibly Acanthus started issuing bronze coins in the last two decades of the 5th century BC. The view that bronze coinage was introduced to facilitate every day commercial transactions replacing the small silver fractions with the larger in size but smaller in value and therefore more practical bronze issues raises some questions. According to the above, the introductory bronze denomination is mainly the chalkous. It is the smallest possible denomination, a new denomination, sub multiple of the silver obol which had never been issued in silver. Therefore its name does not indicate its relation to the silver obol but simply the metal chalkous, apparently as unprecedented.
55If denomination C is actually the first one, it will be difficult to support that bronze coinage was introduced, at least to northern Greece, in order to replace silver small fractions to facilitate retail transactions. Furthermore, these initial issues which survived in such small numbers indicate that these coins were issued for a very short period of time and probably for a specific reason. Some of the issuing authorities, like Mende, and Potidaea chose totally different types when they decided again to strike bronze coinage.
56The dating of the introduction of bronze coinage to the last two decades of the 5th century BC places this development in the context of the Peloponnesian War and the events that took place in this region. I think the war was the main reason for the introduction of bronze coinage in this territory of the Greek world81. The use of coinage for military reasons led some developed economies (such as that of Mende), to use it also for the purpose of trade. However, bronze coinage in the Macedonian kingdom remained restricted to military purposes, until the reign of Philip II82.
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Votokopoulou, I. and S. Moschonesioti (1993): “Το παράλιο νεκροταφείο της Μένδης”, ΑΕΜΘ 4 (1990), 411-423.
Warren, J. A. (1985): “The Autonomous Bronze Coinage of Sicyon: Part 3”, NC 145, 45-66.
Westermark, U. (1987): “Notes on Macedonian Bronze Coinage”, Studi per Laura Breglia, Bollettino di Νumismatica. Supplemento al n. 4, 179-187.
Westermark, U. (1989): “Remarks on the Regal Macedonian Coinage ca. 413-359 BC”, in: Le Rider et al. 1989, 301-315.
Westermark, U. (1996): “Influences from south Italy on Early Macedonian Bronze Coins”, in: Leschorn 1996, 291-299.
West, A. B. (1918): The History of the Chalcidic League, Madison, Wisconsin.
Zahrnt, M. (1971): Olynth und die Chalkidier, München.
Notes de bas de page
1Price 1968, 91; Kraay 1976, 145; Westermark 1996, 291.
2Westermark 1987, 181; Westermark 1989, 304.
3Price 1968, 92; Price 1979, 351-358; Warren 1985, 45; Psoma 2001, 121; Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007, 161.
4Psoma 2001, 143.
5See Gatzolis 2010.
6For the excavations at Mende see Vokotopoulou 1988; 1991; 1992; 1993; Votokopoulou & Moschonesioti 1993; Anagnostopoulou-Chatzipolychroni 2006.
7Robinson & Clement 1938, 362, pl. XXXIII, 8.
8For a different interpretation of the Mendean coin type see Knoblauch 1998.
9Noe 1926, 12, no 20 sq.
10Ibid., 34, no 84 sq.
11See e.g. SNG Alpha Bank, 19-44.
12See e.g. Gaebler 1935, VI.
13See Cahn 1973; SNG ANS 733-735; Sismanidis 2003, 15, pl. 8.
14See Liampi 2008.
15See SNG ANS 292-371.
16SNG ANS 686-689.
17SNG ANS 699.
18SNG ANS 360-371.
19Gaebler 1935, pl. XXVI, no 19.
20Terzopoulou 2003.
21Psoma et al. 2008, 173.
22Terzopoulou 2003.
23Papaevangelou 1995.
24SNG ANS 299.
25Supra n. 9-10.
26SNG Ashmolean 2374-2375.
27SNG ANS 209.
28Robinson 1931, 39, no 71.
29Psoma 2000a, 121.
30Psoma 2000b, 32-33.
31Ibid.
32Psoma 2001, 111; Gatzolis 2011.
33Psoma 2000a.
34Ibid., 91.
35Gaebler 1935, pl. XX, no 29.
36Gaebler 1935, pl. II, no 4.
37Robinson & Clement 1938, 306 and Robinson & Clement 1952, 418.
38Psoma 2001, 112.
39Psoma 1996, 18, n. 6.
40The depiction of a bull kneeling its foreleg and lowering its head is usually described as a butting bull, but it is certain that this position is not for charging but for preparation of sacrifice. See also Psoma 2001, 112.
41For the real denomination B of the first series of the Bottiaeans of the female head/forepart of bull type see Gatzolis & Psoma 2009.
42Gaebler 1935, 51, no 4, pl. XX, 28. See also Westermark 1987, 184.
43Psoma 1996, 18, n. 6.
44Psoma 2001, 112.
45Robinson & Clement 1938, 279, n. 113, 114. Some of these coins are, most likely, not issues of the Bottiaeans or of the Potideans. E.g. Olynthus III, 819, 826 and Olynthus IX, 219, no. 2 are, very probably, issues of Dikaia of Gaebler’s pl. XII, 23 type. Olynthus III, 834 is, very probably, an issue of Aeneia of Gaebler’s pl. VI, 5 type. On the contrary, Olynthus III, 118 is probably an issue of the Bottiaeans of denomination B while Olynthus III, 775 and Olynthus IX, 218-219, no. 1 (3 specimens) are issues of the Bottiaeans of denomination A. Olynthus III, 778 and Olynthus VI, 775-776 are less possible to be issues of the Bottiaeans. Finally Olynthus III, 777 and Olynthus IX, 219, no 3 are very probably issues of the Potidaea.
46Westermark 1987, 184.
47Plut., Lys., 14; Xen., Hell., 2.2.9.
48West 1918, 94-95.
49Psoma 2001, 112.
50Diod. 13.49.2.
51Besios 1992, 156; 1993, 241; Tselekas 1996, 12; Hatzopoulos & Paschidis 2004, 806.
52Westermark 1996.
53Ibid.
54Gaebler VI, 2.
55Rutter 1997, 44, 19.
56Rutter 1979, 199-205.
57Ibid., pl. XXXII 1-2.
58Rutter 1997, 44, pl. 19.
59Rutter 1979, pl. XXXII 3-5.
60Ibid., pl. XXXII 8-10.
61Ibid., pl. XXXII 10.
62Rutter 1997, 44.
63See Zahrnt 1971, 114.
64Ibid., 216.
65IG I3 76.
66Hammond & Griffith 1979, 137 sq.
67IG I2 105.
68Kroll 1993, 110-112, no. 159-161.
69Westermark 1996, 293.
70Raymond 1953, 164, pl. XIg.
71Portolos 1996.
72Gatzolis 2000.
73Mamroth 1935.
74See Gatzolis 2010.
75Supra n. 50-51.
76Kaltsas 1998, 36-38, pl. 18.
77Ibid.
78Ibid.
79Sparkes & Talcott 1970, pl. 34, no 905 and 911.
80Drougou 2005, 37, n. 97.
81The case of Timotheus’ bronze coinage (Aristotle, Oecon., 2.1350 a 23) is very characteristic although is dated to the 4th century BC. For Timotheus’ bronze coinage see Robinson & Price 1967.
82See Gatzolis 2010.
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