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Hellenistic Karia

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Carbon Jan-Mathieu van Bremen Riet

Part three. Carian Inflections

Who were the Karians in Hellenistic times? The evidence from epichoric language and personal names1

Daniela Piras

Texte intégral

  • 1 I owe much thanks to M. Mihaljevic for many suggestions and for help in the correction of my Engli (...)
  • 2 For a brief overview of the literary sources dealing with Karia and Karians, see Bockisch 1969, 11 (...)
  • 3 Hom. Il. 2.867, and for instance Hdt. 1.171; Thc. 1.4-5; Xen. Hell. 2.1.15.
  • 4 As well as the neighbouring Lydians (Spawforth 1997), the Karians maintained their barbarism, or a (...)

1Our knowledge about the ethnic and cultural identity of the Karians relies on a few mentions of Karia and its population transmitted by the Greek literary sources2. However, these texts, written in Greek by Greek authors, reflect the perception of ‘others’, i.e. of Greeks, of the Karians and do not convey the self-understanding of the Karians themselves. Already in the Geometric period, when Homer introduced the adjective βαρβαροφώνος with reference to the Karians, and throughout the Classical period, they appear in the Greek written accounts as an ethnos with its own cultural affiliation, and are clearly placed on the other side of the envisaged demarcation line separating barbarians from Greeks3. In particular their epichoric language was considered a striking symbol of their non-Greekness and initiated a series of comments about the ‘linguistic barbarism’ of the Karian ethnos. In Hellenistic times and at the latest in Augustan times, however, this strong ethnic bias appears to fade out in the Greek literary tradition and no peculiar cultural traditions were attributed to the contemporary Karians by which they could have been distinguished from Greeks4.

  • 5 Str. 14.2.1-2. On the chronological background of Strabo’s account of Karia and on the geographica (...)
  • 6 On the distribution of Karian inscriptions in Karia, see Piras 2009.
  • 7 Str. 14.2.25. As can be inferred from numerous inscriptions, not all Karian cities were members of (...)
  • 8 Str. 14.2.28.

2This change in the perception of the Karians by the Greeks can be best illustrated by Strabo’s account of Karia and the Karians of his own time in which we find no support for their proverbial barbarism. In treating the region of Karia Strabo focuses instead on the political traditions of its cities, probably mirroring a situation that goes back to Hellenistic times5. At that time Karia proper was apparently limited to the cities of inland Karia west of the Harpasos river, an area identical with that in which the distribution of Karian inscriptions is concentrated6. According to Strabo, in Hellenistic times the Karians were organized in the Chrysaoric League and they gathered in the sanctuary of Zeus Chrysaoreus at Stratonikeia: though defined as a distinct genos different from others, their political organization is presented as more important than their ethnic affiliation7. As for the linguistic barbarism of the Karians, Strabo reports on the deep Hellenization of the Karian language in Hellenistic times8.

3This raises the question of the cultural identity of the population of Karia in Hellenistic times. May we suppose that the region was so deeply Hellenized that the cultural traditions of the population were no longer distinctive? Did the Karians – actively or passively – abandon their cultural identity? Or should we assume that through the establishment of colonies and immigration of Greek settlers there was a change in the ethnic structure of the region and that, indeed, the Karians ‘physically’ disappeared?

  • 9 Among other means of expressing identity we should take into consideration the self-representation (...)

4There is no easy answer to these questions, since the self-perception of a people can find its expression, more or less consciously, through different media9. For the purpose of this paper, I will focus on some aspects of what is a powerful vehicle of self-expression, namely language. The choice of the language used in written communication is in fact a signifier of self-perception. An important aspect related to the choice of language is the choice of personal names. The significance of the onomastic habit for the questions of ethnic and cultural identity derives both from the function of names as bearers of identity and from the intentionality of naming. The selection of a name should be read as a conscious statement of self-definition. Changes in onomastic habits may thus suggest either a change of population or an altered self-understanding within an existing population and a modified attitude towards the linguistic patrimony from which these names derive. Personal names may result from the changed family relations due to intermarriage between different population groups, or may be signifiers of the acculturation efforts pursued by individuals.

  • 10 A comprehensive study including all the known Karian inscriptions has been recently published by I (...)

5In order to probe these questions, I will examine a sample of epigraphical material, which provides us with evidence of the use of the Karian language and of the naming practices in various regions of Karia over a period from Classical to Hellenistic times. The inscriptions that are appropriate for this analysis are mainly Greek, with the addition of a small number of Karian texts10. Because of the difficulties in secure dating and the fragmentary state of preservation of many texts, the evaluation of this material presents serious challenges. Indeed, Karian inscriptions are few and in most cases a precise dating of these texts is extremely difficult as it needs to rely either on palaeographic criteria, i.e. the comparison of Karian letters with the form of contemporary Greek letters, or on the dating of the particular object bearing the Karian inscription. The premises for an evaluation of the evidence from Greek inscriptions are not necessarily better. Difficulties in safe dating of many texts call for a rigorous selection, and the suitable samples may not be the most representative. Yet, the available material offers an interesting insight into the linguistic situation of Karia in the time span under analysis and provides an opportunity to draw at least some provisional conclusions.

The use of the Karian language

  • 11 For the numbering system for Karian inscriptions followed here (CKa), cf. Adiego 2007, 129. On the (...)

6The epichoric language in Karia is recorded in approximately 50 inscriptions using Karian script; these are concentrated mainly in the western and to a lesser degree in the southern part of the region11. The majority of these texts are dated palaeographically to the fourth century BC, a period characterized by a proliferating use of inscriptions and, at the same time, by a rapid diffusion of the Greek language in inscriptions. Whereas fourth-century Karian inscriptions show that the epichoric language was in use in official communications, it seems that after the Hekatomnid period, i.e. from the last decades of the fourth century, its usage drastically decreased in public contexts, where Greek became the dominant language. In fact, the epigraphical evidence of written Karian in the Hellenistic period adds up to only a few texts found in Kaunos, two from Stratonikeia and one from Hyllarima, all of which seem to be chronologically limited to the beginning of the period.

  • 12 Marek 2006.
  • 13 These are the funerary inscriptions C.Ka 1 and 3, the inscriptions on stelai C.Ka 2 and 4, the ins (...)
  • 14 Cf. D. Schürr in this volume.

7A Kaunian bilingual proxeny decree dating from the last decades of the fourth century was inscribed on a stele with a Karian text at the top and a Greek inscription below12. The Karian text (C.Ka 5) is carved in large and neatly engraved letters, while the Greek inscription has smaller letters and closer lines, a dissimilarity which emphasizes the prominence of the Karian text. The monolingual Karian inscriptions from Kaunos are usually dated to the fourth century13. However, D. Schürr has convincingly argued that some of these inscriptions may belong to the Hellenistic period14. The texts in question suggest that the usage of epichoric language in early Hellenistic Kaunos was not confined to the private sphere.

  • 15 Cf. Robert 1950, 16, pl. 6.1; Deroy 1955, no. 12.
  • 16 On the Greek text, see Şahin 1980, 211, no. 1. On the Karian text see the revised edition in Adieg (...)
  • 17 Cf. Ray 1988, 153, who points to the similarity of the letter forms used in Stratonikeia to the mu (...)
  • 18 Şahin 1980, 205 and I.Stratonikeia 1063.

8Two further Karian inscriptions are known from the city of Stratonikeia. The inscription C.St 1, now vanished, was recorded by L. Robert and dated on palaeographical grounds to the third century15. The other (C.St 2) contains a list of personal names which is followed on the stone (a marble building block) by a Greek text16. Both texts are only partially preserved. The Greek inscription, a letter of king Seleukos I, dates to the very beginning of the Hellenistic period. There is no apparent connection between the Karian and the Greek texts that could indicate bilingualism. Hence, the Karian inscription has been explained as a later copy of an earlier pre-Hellenistic document17. The palaeographic discrepancies between the two inscriptions may well be due to their execution by two different lapicides and are not necessarily a sign of their chronological disparity. Moreover, the presumed origin of the block from a sacred building located close by the city points to a Hellenistic date, given that most of the architectural remains at the site are not earlier than Hellenistic. In any case, whether the Karian text was initially conceived, or only reproduced in Hellenistic times, the inscription remained displayed together with other official documents at least until the Roman period when a priests’ dedication was inscribed on one of the block’s faces18.

  • 19 For the complete edition of all the texts on the stele, uncovered in two fragments, see Adiego et (...)

9A fragmentary marble stele bearing five short Karian texts (C.Hy 1) and a series of Greek texts was found further to the east of Stratonikeia, in the city of Hyllarima19. The surface of the stele is divided in two columns by a vertical line. At the head of both columns is a Karian inscription of two lines. According to the editors of the inscription, these texts refer to an Anatolian deity and provide formulae of difficult interpretation which probably contain religious terminology. The position of the first Karian inscriptions proves their chronological priority over the remaining texts inscribed on the face of the stone. These are texts of different kind and dating: three Karian lists of personal names and a Greek text from 263/2 BC listing priests of Apollo are placed to the left of the dividing line, two short Greek texts listing priests and a longer inscription recording a sale of various priesthoods are on the right side. On the lateral sides are further Greek texts recording sales of priesthoods and land-leasing contracts.

  • 20 Adiego et al. 2005, 613-14, 628, 636.
  • 21 Adiego et al. 2005, 624-7.

10Hence, after the first two Karian inscriptions at the head of the stele, the remaining three Karian and the first two Greek texts appear to be placed side by side on the stele. Their juxtaposed placement as well as the onomastic identifications made by I. Adiego, which point to prosopographical connections between some of the men mentioned in the Karian inscriptions and some of those appearing in the Greek lists of priests, support the theory of the contemporary use of both languages20. In view of the lack of internal textual references, however, the dating of these texts is uncertain. The chronological indication provided by the third Greek text dating from 263/2 BC leads us to date the previous Karian and Greek texts to before that date. Their epigraphical ductus may suggest a dating between the end of the fourth and the beginning of the third century21. The Karian language was used for official documents alternating with Greek before the first half of the third century. From the middle of the third century, however, only the Greek language remained in use. After that period, the Karian language was replaced by Greek, but Karian inscriptions remained as a visible testimony of the Karian past.

  • 22 Cf. Frei & Marek 1997, 3-4.
  • 23 Cf. Frei & Marek 2000, 85 (C.Ka 2) and 97 (C.Ka 4).

11For our evaluation of the role that the Karian language and script played in the communities in which the three above-mentioned inscriptions were displayed, it is of great interest to assess what kind of text they are. All are official documents. Thus they present official statements which are at the same time implicit expressions of the cultural affiliation of their commissioners. It is also worth noting that the stelai were set up in a public context. From the bilingual inscription of Kaunos we know about the location of the stele in a public place, close to the area of the sanctuary of Apollo22. Other stelai with Karian inscriptions in Kaunos were also placed in the sanctuary behind the Hellenistic stoa, thus in a public place, where they were visible to the civic community23. The inscription of Stratonikeia is engraved on a marble block, which belonged to a sacred building, thus a location in a sanctuary – a public place – can be envisaged. The original location of the inscription of Hyllarima is unknown, but its content points to a sacred context as well.

12The three above mentioned stelai provide the only evidence of the use of the Karian language and script for official documents in the early Hellenistic period. The bilingual document from Kaunos where the Karian text is in a prominent position at the top of the stele points to a priority in rank of the Karian over the Greek language. Even though it cannot be ascertained that the Karian inscriptions of Stratonikeia and Hyllarima were conceived and/or set up in Hellenistic times, for long their visual presence was a reminder of indigenous traditions.

  • 24 Even though the Karian character of the para-Karian graffiti found among the Hellenistic and Roman (...)
  • 25 The sherd was first published and dated to the seventh century by Levi and Pugliese-Caratelli 1961 (...)
  • 26 On these inscriptions and their context, see Piras 2009.

13In non-public contexts the epichoric language may have been used even later than the early Hellenistic period24. A graffito found in the non-Karian city of Iasos, and dating probably from late Hellenistic times, may show this. The graffito (C.Ia 2) in question is carved on a sherd found in a trench close to the eastern city gate of Iasos25. Other Karian inscriptions, mostly graffiti on vessels, of an earlier date, have also been found in this part of the city26. Given that the sanctuary of Zeus Megistos and Hera was located in the vicinity of the city gate, the sherd may have been part of a votive donation associated with the cult of these deities, possibly pointing to the continuation of the use of the epichoric language in private and sacred contexts in Hellenistic times or even later.

14From the Hellenistic period onwards only the documents written in Greek convey the history of Karia’s population. As the preserved epigraphic material reveals, the Karians themselves chose Greek rather than the epichoric language for written communication. The question as to when this change happened cannot yet be answered. We may assume a long process which was completed in the early Hellenistic period but which must have started much earlier by the borrowing of Greek words by the Karian language. In this respect we may consider the statement of Philippos (FGrHist 741, F1), a third-century BC writer from Theangela, who writes of the Karian language that: πλεῖστα Ἑλληνικὰ ὀνόματα ἔχει καταμεμιγμένα (“it has many Greek words mixed up with it”).

Karian and non-Karian personal names

  • 27 On Karian names in Greek sources with a thorough linguistic analysis of the names, see Blümel 1992 (...)
  • 28 Indigenous names are defined as names derived from an Anatolian language, thus not derived from or (...)
  • 29 Greek names adapted in Karian are for instance Οὐλιάδης: see below and n. 44. On Iranian names in (...)

15As documented by Greek inscriptions, which are the main source of onomastic material from Hellenistic Karia, the vanishing of the epichoric language affected also Karian personal names, which were replaced by Ἑλληνικὰ ὀνόματα. From archaic times, both Karian and Greek epigraphic evidence shows that the names popular among Karians, in Karia and abroad, were almost exclusively indigenous27. The Karian perception of what qualifies as an indigenous name is difficult to determine, and may not follow modern linguistic criteria28. In fact, Greek names were also willingly adapted by Karians, and individuals bearing Iranian names are epigraphically attested in Greek inscriptions until the end of Hellenistic times29. A comparison between the personal names recorded in pre-Hellenistic times with those dated after the last decades of the fourth century shows up a striking change in onomastic habits in the entire region, which may be seen as a break in the cultural traditions of Karia.

  • 30 Inscriptions from Mylasa and Olymos: I.Mylasa; Blümel 1992a; 1995; 2000b; 2004. Inscriptions from (...)

16For the purpose of this analysis, I will focus on the personal names known from the inscriptions originating from two central Karian poleis, Mylasa and Stratonikeia. The material from these two important cities and their immediate surroundings allows us to trace the broad lines of the evolution of the onomastic habits in central Karia from pre-Hellenistic to Hellenistic times30. It also provides an opportunity to examine the characteristics of preserved Karian names and explore the social status of their bearers. We can ask what Greek names were popular in Karia and what information they provide about the origins of Greek names that spread across Karia.

The Pre-Hellenistic period

17For pre-Hellenistic times, the available evidence amounts to one Karian and a few Greek inscriptions from central Karia, dated to the Hekatomnid period. A number of personal names recorded in these inscriptions allows for comparisons with onomastic habits attested in the same regions in the Hellenistic period.

  • 31 On the reading of this text and the onomastic identifications, see Blümel & Kızıl 2004, 131-8; Adi (...)
  • 32 Blümel & Kızıl 2004, 138. The majority of the Karian texts are dated to the fourth century. It can (...)
  • 33 Blümel & Kızıl 2004, passim and Adiego 2005, passim.

18A fragmentary Karian inscription (C.My 1) found in the village of Kırcağız, several km north of ancient Mylasa, contains a list of personal names probably belonging to priests31. A dating to the fourth century BC seems probable32. All the personal names mentioned in the text are Karian, such as tusolçs (l. 2) also attested in a Greek rendering as Θυσσωλος, or βanol (l. 3) attested as Ιβανωλλις, or ksbo and iduśolś (l. 9), known from Greek inscriptions through the forms Χασβως and Ιδυσσωλος. One possible exception is the name ˆktoi (l. 10) that probably corresponds to the Greek Ἑκαταῖος, etymologically a non-Karian name, but so frequent that it can almost be regarded as a vernacular name33.

  • 34 Cf. Blümel 1990b, nos 11-12, and, more recently, HTC 216-22, nos. 90 and 91. The original location (...)
  • 35 Blümel 1990b, no 11; HTC no. 90.
  • 36 Blümel 1990b, no 12; HTC no. 91.
  • 37 HTC 218, 221-2.

19The most important source of fourth-century Karian personal names are two stelai with Greek inscriptions, found in an unidentified settlement located in the vicinity of Sekköy, about 25 km south of Mylasa on the way to Keramos34. The first inscription lists the ambassadors of different poleis, witnesses to a transaction of land between Mylasa and Kindya35. The dating formula mentions the Hekatomnid dynast Maussollos and attributes the text to the middle of the fourth century BC. From the second, longer, inscription only a list of personal names has been preserved36. The similarities between the two texts suggest that the second stele was created for a similar, if not for the same, occasion as the first. The different ratios of Greek and Karian names in the twenty communities from which the ambassadors came point to certain regional differences in the proliferation of Greek names in Karia in this period37.

  • 38 Υσσωλος: HTC no. 91.4; Θυαλδις: 90.11; Κολαλδις: 90.8; Καλλίαρος: 91.5.
  • 39 I.Mylasa 1-3. The name Μανης is, however, not exclusively Karian but widely attested also in Lydia (...)

20As for the region of our analysis, the inscriptions do not mention the ambassadors from the city of Mylasa proper, but they record the names of representatives from the surrounding communities, such as Hydai, Kildara and Kasolaba. The majority of these men bear Karian names such as Υσσωλος, Θυαλδις, and Κολαλδις. Only a few of the individuals, sons of people with Karian names, bear Greek personal names, for instance: Καλλίαρος son of Υθης from Hydai38. The preserved Greek inscriptions from the city of Mylasa of the Hekatomnid period conform to this image: only Karian names are recorded, such as Αρλισσις son of Θυσσωλος, Πελδεμως, or Μανης son of Πακτυης known from three decrees issuing punishment for conspirators against Maussollos39.

  • 40 HTC 91, ll. 7, 8, 18. On the demes of Stratonikeia and the political and social structure of the c (...)
  • 41 This name is also known in its Karian form from the inscription C.My 1, see supra.
  • 42 I.Stratonikeia 502.

21As for the area of the Hellenistic city of Stratonikeia, the text from Sekköy contains the names of ambassadors from the poleis of Koranza, Hierakome, and Koliorga, which became demoi of Stratonikeia in the third century40. The personal names of those mentioned in the text are almost exclusively Karian, such as Σανουρτος son of Μισκως and Ἑκατόμνως son of Χασβως41. An inscription from Lagina dating from the Hekatomnid period confirms similar onomastic habits with a predominant usage of Karian names. The text, a dedication of landed property to Apollo and Artemis made by a man named Σκοαρανος and his wife, records the names of eleven men with an indication of their filiation. Only one individual bears a Greek name, Ἑκαταῖος, the others have Karian names, for example: Ἑκατόμνως son of Οβροκας or Υργοσως son of Υσσαλδομος42.

  • 43 On the representatives from Syangela, see HTC no. 90.1, and on Myndos, ibid., no. 90.17, if the su (...)

22These inscriptions reveal a clear preponderance of Karian names in the regions under investigation. Their social environment is that of local elites. Most clearly, in the inscriptions from Sekköy the Karian name-bearers appear to be representatives of the poleis involved in the transactions. However, the inscriptions also show that the adoption of Greek names in central Karia had already started, even though it was still atypical in the fourth century BC. A comparison between the onomastic patterns attested in the region under investigation with the areas denoted by the names of the ambassadors from Halikarnassos, the capital of the satrapy of Karia, and the cities in its surroundings, like Syangela and probably Myndos, shows a significantly higher proportion of Greek personal names, pointing to a higher degree of Hellenization in the naming practice in the peninsula of Bodrum than in central Karia43. A further analysis of the onomastic habits in other areas, reflected for instance by the names of the ambassadors recorded in the Sekköy-inscriptions, would surely offer interesting terms of comparison regarding the spread of Karian and Greek names in the fourth century.

The Hellenistic period

  • 44 The broad adoption of the Greek name Οὐλιάδης was certainly favoured because of its similarity wit (...)

23The epigraphic evidence from the Hellenistic period shows both the adoption of the Greek language and the spread of Greek personal names. The few Karian inscriptions preserved from this epoch do not yield much evidence, containing mostly Karian personal names with only a sporadic appearance of Greek names. Such is the case of the Karian inscription from Stratonikeia mentioned above, where only the Greek name Uliades (C. St. 2, l. 4), in Greek Οὐλιάδης has been attested among the predominantly Karian names44. Some of these, as for instance somne, βrsiś, ari□(C.St. 1 ll. 2/4) and uśoλś (C. St. 2, l. 1), are also known from Greek ‘transcriptions’ in the forms Σωμνης, Ιμβαρσις, Αρρι(σ) ις and Υσσωλος. In contemporaneous Greek inscriptions, on the other hand, Greek personal names represent the absolute majority over a reduced number of preserved Karian names. Unfortunately, the analysis of the onomastic material from the region is hampered by uncertainties in dating for a large number of Greek inscriptions. This reduces the number of texts suitable for further consideration, and prevents us from establishing a precise development of onomastic habits in the course of these three centuries.

Mylasa and Olymos

  • 45 Some of the third-century inscriptions do not mention any personal names for Mylasans: e.g. I.Myla (...)
  • 46 In this respect, the numerous funerary inscriptions, which usually do not contain indications abou (...)
  • 47 Blümel 1994, 78.

24Third-century Greek inscriptions found in the city of Mylasa provide only scant onomastic material45. Among the names recorded in the inscriptions, Karian names appear rarely, which can be illustrated by the example of I.Mylasa 201. This text is a land-leasing contract issued by the phyle of the Otorkondeis. The five magistrates mentioned in the text bear Greek names with the exception of one of the tamiai of the phyla, Θυσσος son of Ἀπολλωνίος (l. 4) whose father too bears a Greek name. Although the epigraphic material datable to the early Hellenistic period is scarce we may assume that the ratio of Greek and Karian names exhibited in the document well reflects the naming practices of the Mylasan elite46. In a few families the practice of giving Karian names seems still in use, as an inscription (I.Mylasa 350) most probably originating from the very beginning of the Hellenistic period shows47. It is a dedication to the agathoi daimones, in which we read the Karian names of Ἑκατόμνως (l. 2) and Ἀρτιμης (l. 5), a son of a father with a Greek name, Ταργ[ηλίος?]. Unfortunately, the social position of these two men bearing Karian names cannot be inferred from the text.

  • 48 The texts in question record leases of land (I.Mylasa nos. 201-32 and more recently Blümel 1992a, (...)

25The tendency of adopting Greek names continues in the following periods, as testified by several inscriptions from the second half of the second century BC onwards. Of particular interest are the contracts and decrees issued by the phylai and syngeneiai of Mylasa recording the names of individuals with the indication of their offices and, thus, of their social status48. The texts clearly show the rarity of Karian names in use among the local elite and reveal the manner of their preservation. An example is provided by the inscription I.Mylasa 217 concerning the taking possession of land, in which only two of the eighteen people involved in the transaction bear Karian names: Ἑκατόμνως (l. 3, 6) and Πιξώδαρος (l. 6). The fathers of both of these individuals bear Greek names, Καλ(λ)ισθένης and Διόδωρος, as does the brother of Ἑκατόμνως named Διόφαντος. The fragmentary inscription I.Mylasa 223 concerning a property transaction, provides the names of approximately eight people with the indication of their filiation. Among them, a woman, Κοσινας daughter of Αἴνητος (l. 12), bears a Karian name; the fathers of two men whose names are lost also have Karian names: Βερραβλωιος (l. 15) and Χασβως (l. 18). In some cases Karian names were preserved as second names, as illustrated by I.Mylasa 214, concerning the taking possession of land. All of the eleven people mentioned in the text bear Greek names; among the fathers two have Karian names as second names, like Μενίππος Καλβαλας (l. 5) and Λέων Ουωκης (l. 6).

  • 49 Blümel 1994, 85-6. The name of the most famous Hekatomnid dynast, Μαύσσωλλος, however, occurs only (...)
  • 50 Note the archon named Ἑκατόμνως son of Ἀριστέας son of Ἀλέξανδρος in I.Mylasa 102 from the end of (...)
  • 51 For the name Ἀρτεμισία, see I.Mylasa 212, l. 4 (daughter of a man with Karian second name); 337, l (...)
  • 52 HTC no. 91, l. 17.

26These texts, attesting twenty Karian personal names dating from the Hellenistic period, reveal some practices in the preservation of Karian names: those reminiscent of the Karian Hekatomnid dynasts were preferred49. As illustrated by numerous examples, Ἑκατόμνως seems to be particularly popular among the Karian male names preserved by the Mylasan elite50. Some names of the Hekatomnid dynasty occur also among the female names, as with Ἀρτεμισία51. One may wonder about the reason for the choice of these names. Do they actually bear a conscious reference to the members of the Hekatomnid dynasty and to the grand past of the Karian satrapy? And might the name Ἑκατόμνως be a reference to the dynast about whom we know less than about his sons? It is less likely that this was a reference to the dynasty as a whole since the names of Μαύσσωλλος and Ἱδριεύς, the most popular dynasts at least among modern scholars, are strikingly missing. Moreover, for Ἑκατόμνως it is worth noticing that the popularity of this name seems to have been widespread in Karia even during the lifetime of the dynast who bore that name. In fact, the inscriptions from Sekköy mentioned above record the names of ambassadors who were contemporaries of Maussollos, during whose satrapy the inscription was issued. As it appears from the inscription, one ambassador had a father named Ἑκατόμνως, who himself was probably a contemporary of the previous satrap bearing the same name52. Another possible explanation for the perseverance of names such as Ἑκατόμνως and Ἀρτεμισία may be the fact that they could easily be interpreted as Greek theophoric names.

  • 53 By contrast, in Lykia women were given indigenous names more often than men, see Colvin 2004, 54-7 (...)
  • 54 On later attestations of Karian second names, see I.Mylasa 512, l. 1 Ταρμος, the second name of th (...)

27In general, it seems that Karian female names are as rare as male ones, as illustrated by the inscriptions I.Mylasa 216, l. 10 Αλαστα; 336, l. 1 Κοσινας; 426, l. 1 the priestess of Demeter Αβα; 483, l. 3 Αβας, 483, l. 6 Ναρβας53. A very common way of preserving Karian names seems to be their use as second names after a first Greek name, as testified by these examples: I.Mylasa 211, l. 6: Ἰάσων Κοστωλλις; 212, l. 4: Ἑκαταῖος Κεταμβισσις; 220, l. 6: Ἀριστέας Κολδοβας; 497, l. 2: Μέλας Ουωκης54.

  • 55 On the dating of this sympoliteia, see Reger 2004, 166, n. 78.
  • 56 The majority of inscriptions from Olymos dates to the second century BC. For a list of Karian name (...)
  • 57 Karian dynastic names: I.Mylasa 881, l. 1 Πιξόδαρος; 882, l. 5 Μαύσσωλλος; 812, l. 7 Υσσαλδωμος. O (...)

28Contemporary inscriptions from Olymos show a similar attitude towards a Karian onomastic heritage. The community of the Olymeans, which had for a long time maintained its autonomy, was joined by sympoliteia to Mylasa in the second half of the third century BC55. From its inscriptions, mainly land-leasing contracts, we are able to recognize a local elite which followed a similar fashion in matters of onomastic habits. The inscriptions from the third and the second centuries reveal both the rapid abandonment of Karian personal names and the same manner of preservation of indigenous names as in Mylasa56. Of thirteen different Karian names attested in inscriptions of Olymos, five are names reminiscent of the Hekatomnid dynasts57.

29Notwithstanding the fact that the scarce material available especially for the early Hellenistic period does not allow for reconstructing more than a broad chronological frame for the process of Hellenization of personal names, it is clear that in the second century BC the elites of Mylasa and Olymos preferred Greek over Karian names. This becomes apparent from a comparison between the inscriptions of Sekköy discussed above, and the Hellenistic inscriptions issued by the citizens of Mylasa and Olymos, both within a similar social environment of local elites. In the Hellenistic texts, the local magistrates usually bear Greek names, and the patronymics do not imply Karian naming-traditions. The surviving Karian names are poor remnants of the variety of the Karian onomastic patrimony, of which mainly the alleged dynastic names remained in use.

  • 58 Cf. Hatzopoulos 2000, 103. On the recurrence of these names in Mylasa and Olymos, see the index of (...)
  • 59 On Hekate derivatives, see the popular name Ἑκαταιος: I.Mylasa vol. 2, p. 155 and also the Karian (...)
  • 60 Important sanctuaries in the territory of Mylasa, to whose cults some names may be related, were e (...)
  • 61 On the recurrence of Ἑρμίας cf. I.Mylasa vol. 2, p. 155-6. The interpretation of the name as the t (...)
  • 62 Adiego 2007, 332.
  • 63 The Karian form of this name is fragmentarily attested in the bilingual inscription from Sinuri (K (...)
  • 64 For the name Ὑβρέας in Mylasa and Olymos, see I.Mylasa vol. 2, p. 166. As a search through the vol (...)
  • 65 Cf. supra, n. 44.
  • 66 Cf. Colvin 2004, 59.

30What kind of information do the Greek names provide? The majority attested in the inscriptions from Mylasa and Olymos can be defined as ‘panhellenic’ names, such as the frequently occurring Ἀριστέας, Μέλας, Λέων, to mention but a few, attested all over Greece58. Among these, the theophoric names enjoyed great popularity. Some of these may point to a specifically central Karian environment, as is the case for the Hekate-derivatives, or for the names derived from Artemis59. We may assume that these Greek theophorics, derived from the names of deities particularly worshipped in Karia, were thought of as indigenous Karian names60. But again, we can only speculate about the reason for this fashion. It is possible to suggest that some popular Greek theophoric names were chosen because of their phonetic similarity with Karian names, or because they were the translations of Karian names. This might be the case with the popular Greek name Ἑρμίας, a derivative from the Greek Ἑρμῆς, which seems to be the translation of a Karian name Ιμβρασσις. Alternatively, it may have recalled the Karian name Ερμαπις a derivative from the Karian armo-61. Another popular Greek name is the Apollo derivative, Ἀπολλόδοτος, for which there is no ‘translation’ in any of the Karian texts, but an indigenous Lykian form of this name, Natrbbijẽmi, is attested in the Xanthian bilingual62. This phenomenon is not limited to the theophoric names. It also relates to names such as Ἰδριεύς, which is etymologically Greek, but it should be considered as a ‘translation’ of the Karian dynast’s name into the Greek language63. Besides, the name Ὑβρέας, very common in Hellenistic times and afterwards, resembles the Karian name ùbrś attested in the inscription of Hyllarima C.Hy 1.7/864. In this respect, the already discussed name Οὐλιάδης is also interesting65. The preserved Karian inscriptions do not provide a Karian form of the popular Greek name Ἰατροκλῆς, but an epichoric Lykian text presents its indigenous rendering Ijetruxle66.

  • 67 Cf. Colvin 2004, 62-4.
  • 68 On the recurrence of these names, see the index of personal names in I.Mylasa. Σαπφώ is also attes (...)

31It becomes apparent that both the Hellenization of Karian names and the preference for the Greek translation of a Karian name clearly point to the deliberate choice of Greekness and are, thus, a pertinent sign of desired Hellenization. A small group of names of mythological and literary figures related to Greek literary culture may also be read as a sign of acquired Hellenization67. Such is the name of the Athenian hero Κόδρος, or Ἰάσων, and the names of famous poets such as Μένανδρος and Σαπφώ. Conversely, the Greek name of the hero Γλαῦκος may rather point to an indigenous mythological background68.

  • 69 The monuments are dated between the end of the fourth and the beginning of the third centuries BC, (...)
  • 70 Cf. I.Mylasa vol. 2 p. 149-67. On Περδίκκας cf. Blümel 2004, no. 36, l. 1. On Makedonian names, se (...)
  • 71 For instance, the stephanephoros Ἀντίπατρος Κορμοσκωνεύς and his nephew with the same name: I.Myla (...)
  • 72 Cf. Carbon 2005.

32A group of four inscribed funerary monuments originating from the period of Makedonian rule provides us with an indication of the origin of individuals who settled in and around Mylasa during the Hellenistic period: they attest to the presence of newcomers from various parts of Greece among the population of Mylasa69. A certain Makedonian influence can be seen from the occurrence of typical Makedonian names in the inscriptions from Mylasa and Olymos. These are names such as Ἀλέξανδρος, Ἀμύντας, Ἀνδρόμαχος, Ἀντίπατρος, Εὐπόλεμος, Κράτερος, Λιμναῖος, Περδίκκας attested from the early Hellenistic until the early Imperial period70. For instance, the names Ἀντίπατρος and Λιμναῖος were borne by several members of the families holding magistracies71. The presence of these names among the notables of the cities may point to a merging of Makedonian population elements with families of the local elites. A certain pride of Makedonian family traditions is displayed by the funerary inscription Blümel 2004, no. 46, ll. 4 and 7, where two individuals emphasized their ancestry going back four generations to the name Πλειστάρχος. A Makedonian influence in Mylasa can also be detected in the existence of a cultic association named after a Makedonian daimon72.

Stratonikeia

  • 73 Str. 14.2.25. Antiochos I is generally considered to be the founder of Stratonikeia, cf. Debord 19 (...)

33The epigraphic evidence of the city of Stratonikeia and its surrounding communities reveals distinctions in onomastic habits noteworthy for our study. For Hellenistic times, we do not know much about this area before the foundation of Stratonikeia. Strabo is the only source that records a Makedonian katoikia, founded on the territory of preexisting Karian communities at some undeterminable point in the early Hellenistic period. The city called Stratonikeia was founded by a Seleukid king around the middle of the third century BC73.

  • 74 The text from Stratonikeia, I.Stratonikeia 1001, inscribed on a marble block below the Karian insc (...)
  • 75 Şahin 2002, no. 1.7-8. On the restoration of Κοσινας in the lacuna at l. 8, see Carbon 2005, 5 and (...)
  • 76 Due to a lacuna at l. 15, the patronymic of the eleventh individual is not readable.

34For the time preceding the foundation of Stratonikeia, the epigraphic material preserved from the communities in the territory around the city includes a small number of inscriptions, some of which provide onomastic material74. Two decrees issued by the Koarendeis in the last two decades of the fourth century contain personal names: the inscription I.Stratonikeia 501, l. 7-8, dated to 323 BC, mentions a man probably bearing a Karian name, Ο (?σα)ρτηυμος (of uncertain reading) son of Μανης. The honorific decree I.Stratonikeia 503, l. 3-4, of 318 BC, records the names of the archontes, both with Karian names, Υσσωλος son of Αρισσις and Οβροκας son of Μαλοσωος. A marble stele from Lagina provides an inscription dating to the late fourth century. The text records the dedication of an altar to the daimones of two individuals both bearing Karian names, Λερως and Κοσινας75. Another inscription found in Stratonikeia, I.Stratonikeia 1002, of 274 BC, is a text concerning the sale of land, which lists eleven male names with patronymics. Among them, only two individuals bear Greek names, nine bear Karian names, and ten have fathers with Karian names76. A further inscription, I.Stratonikeia 1030, of 268 BC, honours a man from Koliorga bearing a Karian name, Νοννος son of Αρισσις.

  • 77 The scarce evidence includes names of the Hekatomnid dynasts: Ἑκατόμνως (I.Stratonikeia 1377, l. 1 (...)

35After the period of early Hellenism, there is a chronological gap in the epigraphical evidence from the city. As in Mylasa, the majority of securely datable inscriptions is not earlier than the second half of the second century BC, by which time Karian names have disappeared from the epigraphical record, with only a few names appearing in inscriptions, mostly in epitaphs, from which the social status of the individual can hardly be inferred77. Other than in Mylasa, no Karian name-bearers are found among the holders of magistracies attested in Hellenistic inscriptions. The elite of the newly founded city and its demes seems to have dismissed Karian personal names much more rapidly than that of Mylasa.

  • 78 The name Χρυσάωρ is known from Hes. Th. 281 and an inscription from Xanthos, see Debord 2003, 126- (...)
  • 79 Str. 14.2.25.

36Despite the notable lack of Karian names from the period after the foundation of Stratonikeia, the onomastic material possibly yields some references to a local tradition. In this respect, the name Χρυσάωρ deserves further consideration. In fact, it was very popular in Stratonikeia, and until now the name does not occur either in Mylasa or in other parts of the Greek world except for some sporadic attestations for instance in the Aegean Islands that may be considered an echo from nearby Karia.78 Although the name has a Greek etymology it seems to possess a particular meaning in the Karian context. Χρυσάωρ appears connected with the epiklesis of the Zeus whose sanctuary was located near Stratonikeia and, according to Strabo, was at the centre of the Chrysaoric league79. Even though the mythological background of the league and its sanctuary is vague, we may assume that the newly constructed Chrysaoric traditions had a great impact in shaping the identity of Stratonikeia. The sudden spread of the personal name in Hellenistic times probably resulted from the importance of these local traditions, either the political ones of the league or/and the religious ones of the Zeus worshipped in Stratonikeia. As a theophoric name, Χρυσάωρ could represent the rare case of a name borne with the emergence of a new god, Zeus Chrysaoreus.

  • 80 On their occurrence, see I.Stratonikeia vol. II. 1, 39-89.
  • 81 For a recent discussion of all the three texts referring to Λέων, see van Bremen 2004b.
  • 82 This tomb is not yet published.

37The most commonly attested names in Stratonikeia were panhellenic, of more or less the same fashion as those known from Mylasa. Of particular interest are typical Makedonian names, such as Ἀλέξανδρος, Ἀντίγονος, Ζωΐλος, Κράτερος, Λεοννάτος, Πολυπέρχων, that might be related to the early Hellenistic Makedonian katoikia known from Strabo’s account80. Unfortunately, many inscriptions do not offer a linkage to the social status of the people bearing these names. Yet in some families, the occurrence of more than one Makedonian name may in fact denote a descent from Makedonian settlers and the pride of ancestry. Particularly significant in this respect are the inscriptions concerning Λέων son of Χρυσάωρ son of Ζωΐλος son of Πολυπέρχων, in which the suggestion of his Makedonian lineage is emphasized by an unusually long filiation81. The case of Λέων provides us also with the evidence of a person of Makedonian descent holding the prestigious position of a priest of Zeus Karios. Besides the onomastic evidence, a Makedonian tradition in Stratonikeia can be verified through the presence of a Makedonian tomb outside the northern gate of the city, on the sacred road leading to Lagina82.

38Our evidence shows that even though Karian names were still in use among local elites in the early Hellenistic period, they were rapidly abandoned after the foundation of the city of Stratonikeia. Despite the emphasis that is often put on the strong indigenous character of components of the civic community of Stratonikeia, the onomastic evidence presents a different image: the citizens of Stratonikeia almost exclusively bore Greek personal names. The vanishing of Karian names in Stratonikeia follows the same patterns as in Mylasa, but in the former, this process may have been accelerated by the subsequent establishment first of the Makedonian colony, and thereafter of the Seleukid settlement. The introduction of a new political environment may have been the reason why Greek immigrants settled in the area. On the other hand, it may also have forced the population of the Karian poleis, absorbed by the new civic community, to convert to Greek habits for reasons of possible political compensation.

Conclusion

39The study of our sample of epigraphic material illustrates the transformation undergone by the attitude of the Karians towards their linguistic heritage between Hekatomnid and Hellenistic times. In the Hekatomnid period the inscriptions in the Greek language and script increased in number. This testifies to the importance of the use of the written language for the public life of the Karian communities. The written language and script used in public documents was mainly Greek, but a small sample of inscriptions verifies the use of the Karian language as well. During Hellenistic times the number of Greek inscriptions in Karia increased significantly. Karian inscriptions on the other hand provide only meagre evidence for the use of the epichoric language during this period. To our present knowledge, the only secure evidence for the use of the Karian language comes from Kaunos. We may assume that the attitude towards the Karian language and script in official contexts differed from community to community. However, the epigraphic evidence for the use of the Karian language indicates that during the Hellenistic period the Karians rapidly replaced their epichoric script with Greek, at least in official documents. While Greek definitely became the standard written language, the written Karian language may have survived in a less official, private sphere, as suggested by a sherd from Iasos. The dismissal of written Karian does not necessarily imply that the spoken Karian language disappeared too. One could possibly envisage its survival, perhaps in the manner in which native languages spoken by linguistic minorities survive in the modern world.

40The onomastic data from the central Karian areas presented in this study corroborate the trend towards a preference for the Greek habit in matters of written language. The available evidence does not enable us to calculate an exact ratio of the occurrence of indigenous to Greek names, but an approximation is possible. Whereas in Hekatomnid times the Greek and Karian inscriptions recording the names of local people show a majority of Karian personal names, from the Hellenistic period onward the personal names occurring in the inscriptions are almost entirely Greek. In both of the examined cases, the maintaining of Karian personal names follows the same pattern.

41Who, then, were the descendants of βαραβαροφώνοι Karians in Hellenistic times? The overwhelming majority of Greek names surely does not imply the physical disappearance of the Karians. On the contrary, the Greek names attested in the inscriptions offer certain characteristic traits revealing a particular connection to the Karian environment in which they occur. Especially theophoric names and those reminiscent of the Hekatomnid dynasts may have been perceived as having a strong local character. And also the name Χρυσάωρ, which probably became popular upon the creation of the Karian league and the establishment of the cult of Zeus Chrysaoreus, is in this respect ‘indigenous’. The kind of Greek names popular in the area under investigation allows for the assumption that homophony with Karian names, or translatability into Karian, may have played an important role in the choice of the Greek names.

  • 83 For the dynasts ruling Karia, see Kobes 1996; Billows 1995.
  • 84 Stratonikeia: Str. 14.2.25. For Olymos see Cohen 1995, 250-60. A colony or settlement in Mylasa is (...)

42Also indicative for the identity of the population of Karia is a small sample of Makedonian names occurring in the epigraphic evidence of both Mylasa and Stratonikeia. The Makedonian names appear integrated in the filiation of the local notables from both cities. In the cases of Λέων of Stratonikeia, and the descendants of Πλειστάρχος of Mylasa, the pride of Makedonian descent is detectable in the long filiations going back to ancestors with Makedonian names. The Makedonian influence testified by the occurrence of typical Makedonian names in both cities, as well as the presence of foreigners from Greece attested in Mylasa in the early Hellenistic period, is not surprising. In fact, during the early Hellenistic period Karia was often crossed by the armies of Hellenistic kings, who alternated as rulers over the region83. We also know of Makedonian colonies in Karia, and of the presence of Makedonian settlers: a colony is reported for Stratonikeia, and Olymos may have had a Makedonian settlement84. The Makedonian names may then be considered a sign of the presence of immigrants, and of the relationship of the local elites with the high-ranking newcomers. Yet, it cannot be determined whether each Makedonian name actually implies a Makedonian descendant, or rather reveals a claim for Makedonian descent promoted by the great success of the Makedonian experience in Hellenistic times.

43However, the examined evidence shows that by the second century BC in almost all its aspects the Karian linguistic heritage dissolved into the Hellenistic koine. In particular, the eventual adoption of Greek personal names reveals a change of the self-understanding of the inhabitants of the Karian poleis. Can we conclude that the Karians abandoned their cultural identity? The repeatedly changing political situation in Karia in Hellenistic times, and the consequent re-drawing of the political geography of the region, forced the Karian elites to get involved in the clash between the great powers. In this respect, the demise of Karian names seems to result from a self-Hellenization undertaken with a view to political compensation and social advantage. The impact of foreigners, colonists or foreign soldiers, may also have been of importance for the process of transformation of onomastic habits in Karia. It looks as if the Karians re-shaped their identity in order to integrate better into the complex system of the Hellenistic world. The demise, in public contexts, of Karian names and language points to a change in the cultural identity of the Karians. The process evident in the changes of personal names and the language, however, should not be extended to indicate a Hellenization of cultural life more generally. Names can provide only a partial answer to the complex question of Hellenizing, which surely exceeds the scope of this paper. In order to provide a more general answer, there is certainly room to complement this study with the analysis of other, archaeological, media.

Notes

1 I owe much thanks to M. Mihaljevic for many suggestions and for help in the correction of my English draft. I am also grateful to Riet van Bremen and Jan-Mathieu Carbon for many helpful comments and remarks.

2 For a brief overview of the literary sources dealing with Karia and Karians, see Bockisch 1969, 117-18.

3 Hom. Il. 2.867, and for instance Hdt. 1.171; Thc. 1.4-5; Xen. Hell. 2.1.15.

4 As well as the neighbouring Lydians (Spawforth 1997), the Karians maintained their barbarism, or at least the negative connotation resulting from it, only in the form of ethnic stereotypes, as is illustrated by several proverbs about them (for some examples, see RE X. 2, 1942).

5 Str. 14.2.1-2. On the chronological background of Strabo’s account of Karia and on the geographical extent of Karia proper in Hellenistic times, see Fabiani 2000.

6 On the distribution of Karian inscriptions in Karia, see Piras 2009.

7 Str. 14.2.25. As can be inferred from numerous inscriptions, not all Karian cities were members of the Chrysaoric league, see Gabrielsen 2000, 157-71.

8 Str. 14.2.28.

9 Among other means of expressing identity we should take into consideration the self-representation of elites detectable in the monuments. This would require a comprehensive analysis of cultural processes within the region from an archaeological point of view. I deal with this in a study in preparation: Piras, forthcoming.

10 A comprehensive study including all the known Karian inscriptions has been recently published by I. J. Adiego (2007).

11 For the numbering system for Karian inscriptions followed here (CKa), cf. Adiego 2007, 129. On the archaeological context of the Karian inscriptions, see Piras 2009.

12 Marek 2006.

13 These are the funerary inscriptions C.Ka 1 and 3, the inscriptions on stelai C.Ka 2 and 4, the inscription C.Ka 8 carved on the terrace wall of the sanctuary of Demeter. Several graffiti on vessels originate from the sanctuary beneath the palaestra terrace: C.Ka 6-7 and 9. On the few additional graffiti on sherds, see Piras 2009.

14 Cf. D. Schürr in this volume.

15 Cf. Robert 1950, 16, pl. 6.1; Deroy 1955, no. 12.

16 On the Greek text, see Şahin 1980, 211, no. 1. On the Karian text see the revised edition in Adiego 2007, 142-3 with further refs. On the provenance of the building block, see van Bremen 2004, 221 and n. 56.

17 Cf. Ray 1988, 153, who points to the similarity of the letter forms used in Stratonikeia to the much earlier alphabetical variants known from Egypt.

18 Şahin 1980, 205 and I.Stratonikeia 1063.

19 For the complete edition of all the texts on the stele, uncovered in two fragments, see Adiego et al. 2005, with further refs.

20 Adiego et al. 2005, 613-14, 628, 636.

21 Adiego et al. 2005, 624-7.

22 Cf. Frei & Marek 1997, 3-4.

23 Cf. Frei & Marek 2000, 85 (C.Ka 2) and 97 (C.Ka 4).

24 Even though the Karian character of the para-Karian graffiti found among the Hellenistic and Roman materials in the sanctuary of Zeus in Labraunda (Meier-Brügger 1983, nos 4-17) has definitely been rejected (Adiego 2007, 22-7), they nevertheless deserve to be mentioned as probable evidence for the survival of non-Greek epigraphic traditions, though of uncertain character.

25 The sherd was first published and dated to the seventh century by Levi and Pugliese-Caratelli 1961-1962, 632, no. 3. It was redated by F. Berti who suggested a more likely dating in the late-Hellenistic-early Imperial period (Berti & Innocente 1998, 140).

26 On these inscriptions and their context, see Piras 2009.

27 On Karian names in Greek sources with a thorough linguistic analysis of the names, see Blümel 1992b and Adiego 2007, 459-62. Important comparative material is provided by volumes I-IV of LGPN. On Karian names in Karian inscriptions, see Adiego 2007, passim.

28 Indigenous names are defined as names derived from an Anatolian language, thus not derived from or explicable through the Greek or other languages like Persian, see Blümel 1992b with further refs.

29 Greek names adapted in Karian are for instance Οὐλιάδης: see below and n. 44. On Iranian names in Karia, see Virgilio 1987, 109-27; Sekunda 1991, 88-97.

30 Inscriptions from Mylasa and Olymos: I.Mylasa; Blümel 1992a; 1995; 2000b; 2004. Inscriptions from Stratonikeia and surroundings: I.Stratonikeia; Varinlioğlu 1993; Şahin 1997; 1999; 2002; 2005.

31 On the reading of this text and the onomastic identifications, see Blümel & Kızıl 2004, 131-8; Adiego 2005, 81-94. The original location of the stele was presumably a sanctuary, see Rumscheid 2005, 187.

32 Blümel & Kızıl 2004, 138. The majority of the Karian texts are dated to the fourth century. It cannot be ascertained, however, whether this inscription should be dated to the Hekatomnid or the early Hellenistic period.

33 Blümel & Kızıl 2004, passim and Adiego 2005, passim.

34 Cf. Blümel 1990b, nos 11-12, and, more recently, HTC 216-22, nos. 90 and 91. The original location of the stelai is more probably Sekköy than Mylasa, see Debord 1999, 179-80.

35 Blümel 1990b, no 11; HTC no. 90.

36 Blümel 1990b, no 12; HTC no. 91.

37 HTC 218, 221-2.

38 Υσσωλος: HTC no. 91.4; Θυαλδις: 90.11; Κολαλδις: 90.8; Καλλίαρος: 91.5.

39 I.Mylasa 1-3. The name Μανης is, however, not exclusively Karian but widely attested also in Lydia, see Blümel 1992b, 18. On other Mylasan inscriptions from Hekatomnid times, see I.Mylasa 8 and Blümel 2004, no. 1.

40 HTC 91, ll. 7, 8, 18. On the demes of Stratonikeia and the political and social structure of the city’s territory in pre-Hellenistic times, see van Bremen 2000, 389-401.

41 This name is also known in its Karian form from the inscription C.My 1, see supra.

42 I.Stratonikeia 502.

43 On the representatives from Syangela, see HTC no. 90.1, and on Myndos, ibid., no. 90.17, if the suggested integration of the lacuna is correct (HTC p. 220). In Halikarnassos the practice of adoption of Greek names in Karian families is attested from the fifth century BC by two well known inscriptions: the decree of the people of Halikarnassos, Salmakis and of Lygdamis (Virgilio 1987) and the inscription SGDI 5727 (cf. Blümel 1993) which record several personal names with a hint of the genealogical relationship between individuals with Karian, Greek and Persian personal names.

44 The broad adoption of the Greek name Οὐλιάδης was certainly favoured because of its similarity with a Karian name known from Greek texts as Ολιατος/Υλιατος, see Blümel 1992b, 26 and n. 103, and Adiego 2007, 338-9. The interpretation of the Karian name piδaru (C.St 2.4) as Πίνδαρος is also very likely. Thus, it would be another Greek name adapted in Karian, see ibid., 143. On the Karian names in these inscriptions from Stratonikeia, see ibid., 142-4.

45 Some of the third-century inscriptions do not mention any personal names for Mylasans: e.g. I.Mylasa 23 and 21.

46 In this respect, the numerous funerary inscriptions, which usually do not contain indications about the offices held by the deceased, are of less use. Rarely, some clue about the wealth of their owners may be inferred from the funerary monuments. See the chamber tomb of Αδας daughter of Μενίππος and her descendants (Blümel 2004, no. 60) which may have been in use between the end of the fourth and the first century BC (Kızıl 1996, 57-66).

47 Blümel 1994, 78.

48 The texts in question record leases of land (I.Mylasa nos. 201-32 and more recently Blümel 1992a, nos 217B, 262, 352) which have been dated to a period between the second half of the second century and the first half of the first century BC. This traditional dating has recently been put in question, see Dignas 2000, 118.

49 Blümel 1994, 85-6. The name of the most famous Hekatomnid dynast, Μαύσσωλλος, however, occurs only once in Olymos, see below n. 57. The name of the father of the dynast Ἑκατόμνως, Υσσαλδωμος, appears twice, in an inscription of the first century AD (I.Mylasa 504, l. 1), and in a dedicatory inscription for Nike from the Imperial period (Blümel 2004, no. 25.4 where the name is misspelled as Υσσαδωμος). For the name Πιξώδαρος, see the instance in the text (I.Mylasa 217, l. 6) and below, n. 57.

50 Note the archon named Ἑκατόμνως son of Ἀριστέας son of Ἀλέξανδρος in I.Mylasa 102 from the end of the second/beginning of the first century. Later attestations of Ἑκατόμνως: I.Mylasa 319, l. 3; 320, l. 4 (a priest of Zeus Osogo); 307, l. 6; 406, l. 4; 409, l. 1.

51 For the name Ἀρτεμισία, see I.Mylasa 212, l. 4 (daughter of a man with Karian second name); 337, l. 1 (priestess of Nemesis); 432, l. 1; Blümel 2004, nos 39, l. 1; 46, l 5. In the inscription ibid., no. 7, l. 13, a woman named Ἀρτεμισία is mentioned with her sister who bears the name Αδας. This is also the only occurrence of the name Αδας in inscriptions from Mylasa.

52 HTC no. 91, l. 17.

53 By contrast, in Lykia women were given indigenous names more often than men, see Colvin 2004, 54-7. The names Αβα and Αβας belong to the widely attested category of Lallnamen, and are also found beyond the boundaries of Karia, so they might be better considered as Anatolian. See the attestations of these names in LGPN I-IV.

54 On later attestations of Karian second names, see I.Mylasa 512, l. 1 Ταρμος, the second name of the euergetes Ἀετίων; 522, l. 6 Κοιβιαλος, the second name of the priest Μᾶρ. Αὐρ. Ἀξιότιμος. Note also Μοκολδης as a second name in an inscription from Magnesia dating from the second century AD (Blümel 1995, no. 28). In inscriptions of the first century BC and of the Imperial period, some Karian names reappear as first names, see I.Mylasa 109, l. 1 Σιβιλως; 721, l. 1 Παπαρίων. In neighbouring Lykia the usage of double names seems to date mainly to a later period, i.e. Imperial times, see Colvin 2004, 67.

55 On the dating of this sympoliteia, see Reger 2004, 166, n. 78.

56 The majority of inscriptions from Olymos dates to the second century BC. For a list of Karian names from Olymos, see Blümel 1994, 80.

57 Karian dynastic names: I.Mylasa 881, l. 1 Πιξόδαρος; 882, l. 5 Μαύσσωλλος; 812, l. 7 Υσσαλδωμος. On Ἑκατόμνως see ibid., 155. Attested female Karian names are Αδας and Αβας, see Blümel 1994, 80. Other Karian names see ibid., 80. Karian second names: I.Mylasa 817, l. 5: Ἀριστέας Περβιλας.

58 Cf. Hatzopoulos 2000, 103. On the recurrence of these names in Mylasa and Olymos, see the index of personal names in: I.Mylasa vol. 2, 149-67. For the broad diffusion of these names throughout the regions of Greece, see the volumes of the LGPN.

59 On Hekate derivatives, see the popular name Ἑκαταιος: I.Mylasa vol. 2, p. 155 and also the Karian name Ἑκατόμνως, which resembles the Greek name of the goddess. For the distribution of Hekate derivatives and possible implications, cf. Parker 2000, 69. Artemis derivatives are for instance Ἀρτεμας, Ἀρτεμίδωρος, as well as the dynastic name Ἀρτεμισία. For their occurrence see I.Mylasa vol. 2, p. 151-2. On the relation of these names with indigenous names such as Ἀρτιμης, see Adiego 2007, 356.

60 Important sanctuaries in the territory of Mylasa, to whose cults some names may be related, were especially those of Apollo and Artemis near Olymos and of Zeus Labraundeus (see the female name Λαβρενδίς in a funerary inscription: Malay 2004b, 62).

61 On the recurrence of Ἑρμίας cf. I.Mylasa vol. 2, p. 155-6. The interpretation of the name as the translation of Ιμβρασσις has been cautiously suggested by Adiego et al. 2005, 614, on the grounds of the occurrence of both the Greek and the Karian name in the bilingual inscription from Hyllarima. On the Karian Ερμαπις and its relationship with the Greek name Ἑρμῆς, see Adiego 2007, 331.

62 Adiego 2007, 332.

63 The Karian form of this name is fragmentarily attested in the bilingual inscription from Sinuri (Karian inscription C.Si 2.1 with the commentary of Adiego on p. 139-41).

64 For the name Ὑβρέας in Mylasa and Olymos, see I.Mylasa vol. 2, p. 166. As a search through the volumes of the LGPN shows, this name is otherwise attested in the various Greek regions in the form Ὑβρίας. On the Karian name in the inscription C.Hy 1, see Adiego et al. 2005, 613.

65 Cf. supra, n. 44.

66 Cf. Colvin 2004, 59.

67 Cf. Colvin 2004, 62-4.

68 On the recurrence of these names, see the index of personal names in I.Mylasa. Σαπφώ is also attested in Blümel 2004, no. 64, l. 3 (Imperial period). On Γλαῦκος, father of Χρυσάωρ, see Debord 2003, 126-9.

69 The monuments are dated between the end of the fourth and the beginning of the third centuries BC, see Blümel 2004, nos 34-7. On some outlines of Mylasan history, see I.Mylasa vol. 2 p. 8-29; Cohen 1995, 256.

70 Cf. I.Mylasa vol. 2 p. 149-67. On Περδίκκας cf. Blümel 2004, no. 36, l. 1. On Makedonian names, see Hatzopoulos 2000 and LGPN IV.

71 For instance, the stephanephoros Ἀντίπατρος Κορμοσκωνεύς and his nephew with the same name: I.Mylasa vol. 2, p. 150; on Λιμναῖος, ibid., 160-1 and Blümel 1995 no. 12, l. 6.

72 Cf. Carbon 2005.

73 Str. 14.2.25. Antiochos I is generally considered to be the founder of Stratonikeia, cf. Debord 1994, and id. 2001. Conversely, Ma 2000, 277 who attributes the foundation of Stratonikeia to Antiochos II.

74 The text from Stratonikeia, I.Stratonikeia 1001, inscribed on a marble block below the Karian inscription C.St 2 mentioned above, does not contain personal names except for that of the King Seleukos.

75 Şahin 2002, no. 1.7-8. On the restoration of Κοσινας in the lacuna at l. 8, see Carbon 2005, 5 and n. 28.

76 Due to a lacuna at l. 15, the patronymic of the eleventh individual is not readable.

77 The scarce evidence includes names of the Hekatomnid dynasts: Ἑκατόμνως (I.Stratonikeia 1377, l. 1 and 1341, l. 3; Şahin 2002, no. 3, l. 1, Imperial period; Varinlioğlu 1993, no. 3, l. 9), Ἀρτεμισία (I.Stratonikeia II. 1, p. 48), and Αδα(ς) (ibid., p. 39). On other Karian names some of which are of Imperial date, see Blümel 1994, 82-3.

78 The name Χρυσάωρ is known from Hes. Th. 281 and an inscription from Xanthos, see Debord 2003, 126-31. On its numerous attestations in Stratonikeia, see I.Stratonikeia, index, s.v.; Şahin 2002, nos 14.1 and 16.1. An attestation in Imperial times: Varinlioğlu 1993, no. 1.4, where an ἄρχων bears the second name Χρυσάωρ. For attestations in the Aegean Islands, see LGPN I, 487 with eleven attestations of Χρυσάωρ from the islands of the Dodecanese dating from Hellenistic to Imperial times. The name occurs also in Aphrodisias in three inscriptions from Augustan and Imperial times, see IAph2007, 8, l. 211; 12, l. 522 and 13, l. 701; see also Chaniotis, this volume.

79 Str. 14.2.25.

80 On their occurrence, see I.Stratonikeia vol. II. 1, 39-89.

81 For a recent discussion of all the three texts referring to Λέων, see van Bremen 2004b.

82 This tomb is not yet published.

83 For the dynasts ruling Karia, see Kobes 1996; Billows 1995.

84 Stratonikeia: Str. 14.2.25. For Olymos see Cohen 1995, 250-60. A colony or settlement in Mylasa is not attested; however, it is probable that the city was the power-base of the dynast Eupolemos, see also Billows 1989, 194-5.

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