Version classiqueVersion mobile
OpenEdition Books

Hellenistic Karia

 | 
Carbon Jan-Mathieu van Bremen Riet

Part three. Carian Inflections

Kodapa and Kodopa

Ender Varinglioğlu

Texte intégral

1This paper consists of two parts. In the first part some Karian cities on the northern coastline of the Keramic Gulf are introduced. The second part concerns four inscriptions of Kilikian provenance. The conclusion of the paper aims to draw an interesting correspondence between the two.

Karian Cities on the Keramic Gulf

  • 1 Varinlioğlu et al. 1992, 155-74.
  • 2 Varinlioğlu 1992, 22.
  • 3 Hula & Szanto 1895, 27. They were informed likewise by the local people about the ruins but preven (...)
  • 4 Bresson et al. 2005, 75: ‘le nom de Kapız, mot qui n’a pas de signification en turc’. But cf. İzbı (...)
  • 5 Varinlioğlu 1993, 199-200, 202-3; id. 1994, 185-8.
  • 6 Varinlioğlu 1996, 123-4, 126, 129-30 (ph. 1 and 2); id. 2004, 126 Fig. 3, 128-9, Figs. 8-9.

2The discovery of the decree of the Lelegian city of Ouranion near Keramos1 led me to postulate that some of the unlocated Karian cities of the Athenian Tribute Lists were situated on the northern coastline of the Keramic Gulf2. I was informed by the local people that there were ruins of a castle (asar) on top of the steep hill Karamandağ3. Viewed from the shore, i.e. from Çökertme Bay, Kocadağ is the hill on the left-hand side of Kapız (‘canyon’)4, and Karamandağ is the hill on the right (fig. 1). Climbing up through the canyon to the summit of Karamandağ, I found out that I had not been given a false address5. Two years later, I made a day trip to the top of Kocadağ where I discovered ruins hidden in dense pine forest (figs. 2 and 3)6.

  • 7 Bean & Cook 1955, 135, 142 no. 67, 165; I.Keramos pl. 4.
  • 8 Varinlioğlu 2004, 130.

3A little further to the west of Kocadağ there is another unidentified city (perhaps Bargasa) on top of the hill Gümüşsivrisi or Sivrikümes (local name)7. We can be sure that when the Athenian fleet came and safely anchored at Çökertme to collect tribute, these Karian cities anticipated their arrival since they saw the ships at the harbour very clearly from above (figs. 4 and 5)8.

  • 9 I.Keramos 69 and pl. XIII-XIV.
  • 10 I.Keramos pl. II and XIII (Çökertme Bay).
  • 11 Bean & Cook 1955, 141 no. 65.

4The harbour of the bay of Çökertme is silted up and the ancient quay was partly destroyed some years ago, but its remnants still stand among the modern houses9. The ruins of similar structures can be seen in the fields at the foot of the hills to the east. On the hillocks in and around Çökertme I counted perhaps four temples, two of which were then already leveled to the ground10. Çökertme must be the ‘Sacred Harbour’ worthy of a mention in an inscription found by G. E. Bean11.

  • 12 Varinlioğlu 1996, 124, 127; id. 2004, 130 and Fig. 12.
  • 13 Ibid. 131; I.Keramos 6.

5Another noteworthy site in the vicinity is Güvedağ in the east between Ouranion and Keramos12. It looks as if this site on a hilltop, enclosed within a Lelegian type of masonry, was deserted before Hellenization began, and its people, perhaps, took part in the founding of the Classical city of Keramos13.

Four Inscriptions from Kilikia

  • 14 I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Mustafa Hamdi Sayar who kindly gave me permission to present these (...)
  • 15 I visited Hasanaliler during the archaeological survey conducted by Günder Varinlioğlu towards her (...)

6I publish here four inscriptions, three of them new, which I recently found in Kilikia14. The inscriptions were at a site within walking distance from the ancient site of Hasanaliler, now a small village15. They lay in the field in front of a building which proved to be the temple of a local deity. The site has two names. One is Göztepe, which means ‘look-out point on the hilltop’, the other is Kayraçtepe, ‘slate hill’, denoting the geological formation of the place (fig. 6). One can observe the sea from this place and see the city of Κωρύκος down on the coast (fig. 7).

  • 16 Bent 1890, 448; Hicks 1891, 242 no. 26; Dagron & Feissel 1987, 44, no. 16. Bent copied the inscrip (...)
  • 17 Height 60 cm; width 43 cm; letters 4 cm.

7The first inscription (no. 1) had already been found by Bent at ‘the ruins of a temple of Jupiter on an eminence about a mile from it (i.e. Korykian Cave)’ and was published by Hicks. It was then rediscovered between Hasanaliler and Cennet16. It is a quadrangular altar of limestone with a molding at the top and bottom17.

Διὶ Κωρυκίῳ
Ἐπινεικίῳ
Τροπαιούχῳ
Ἐπικαρπίῳ
5 ὑπὲρ εὐτεκνίας
[καὶ φιλαδελφίας]
Image τῶν Image
Σ ε β α σ τ ῶ ν

  • 18 Dagron & Feissel 1987, 46.

8The missing line (line 6) was in a better condition when the inscription was first found, so that the restoration of the line by earlier editors need not be doubted. Dagron and Feissel notably commented that the altar had been dedicated to Caracalla and Geta who later wouldn’t be loving brothers anymore18. The purpose of presenting this inscription first is simply to introduce a deity with an epichoric epithet (Κωρυκίος). In the second inscription, Zeus appears with another epithet of this type, which will in turn form the principal subject of the present paper.

  • 19 Height 1.13 m; width 50 cm; thickness 50 cm; letters 5 cm.

9This inscription (no. 2), of a similar character, is also written on a quadrangular altar of limestone with a molding at the top and bottom. The inscription begins on the molding continuing on the shaft intact on the left and right (fig. 8)19.

Διὶ Κοδοπαίῳ
Ἐπινεικίῳ Τροπαι
ούχῳ ὑπὲρ εὐανδρίας
[----------]
5 [----] εὐσεβ(οῦς)
εὐτυχοῦς Σεβ(αστοῦ) Π (ατρὸς) Π (ατρίδος)
ἡ πόλις
ἐπὶ ἀρχόντων τῶν
περὶ Μ. Αὐρ. Μηνοδοτι-
10 ανὸν Μάξιμον.

  • 20 Parker 2000, 76-7. I wish to thank A. Chaniotis who corrected my reading of the name Μηνοδοτιανόν (...)
  • 21 Baldwin 1980, 132: ‘... Geta was good looking.’; SHA, Geta 4.1: Fuit adulescens decorus...

10Throughout the text, rounded letters are used: epsilon, mu, sigma (except at the end of line 3) and omega. There is a ligature of omega and nu at the end of line 8. Evidently Κοδοπαῖος is, like Κωρύκιος an epichoric epithet presumably from a place name Κοδοπα. Incidentally, it may be pointed out that names formed with the root Μην-ο-(line 9) are extremely common in Asia Minor and they can scarcely be dissociated from the Phrygian god Men20. It might be possibile to restore ‘handsome’ Geta’s name in lines 4-5, in parallel with inscription no. 1 above21. I would rather leave this consideration to my learned colleagues. However, the following remark may be added. It seems that Menodotianos had acquired the name of M. Aurelius before the Constitutio Antoniniana with the result that he dedicated this ex-voto on behalf of Geta. Later, when Geta was slain by Caracalla and a damnatio memoriae came into force, his name was erased from the stone.

  • 22 Height 0.45; width 0.31; letters 0.035. Here again rounded sigma, epsilon and mu are used througho (...)

11There is further evidence that votive inscriptions were offered to Zeus Kodopaios at the site under consideration (fig. 9). This text (no. 3) is inscribed on a limestone block broken away on the left and right, but intact above and below22.

[Δι]ὶ Κοδοπα[ίῳ]
[Αι?]νγόλις
[--]ΜΙΣΙΓΕ-
νους εὐχήν.

  • 23 Cf. Durugönül 1998, 112.
  • 24 Height 0.7 m; combined width of blocks a and b: 1.4 m, block c: 1 m; thickness 0.5 m; letters 0.14 (...)

12Three architectural limestone blocks, most probably pieces of an architrave belonging to the building of which the walls are still partially standing, were rearranged in order to reconstruct the text inscribed on them23. Two of these fragments (blocks a and b) were newly broken pieces of the same original block (fig. 10)24, which make up the following inscription (no. 4):

a + b c
ΤΟΣΕ[-------]ΟΔΟ[---------]

13This may be restored as:

τὸ Σε[βαστοῦ Διὸς Κ] οδο[παίου ἱερόν]

14Indeed, there is no mistaking the laboriously written big letters and the bundle of thunderbolts at the beginning of the first block, which clearly indicate that the inscribed blocks belonged to the temple of Zeus Kodopaios (fig. 11).

Conclusion

  • 25 I. Keramos 4 and n. 3-4, 13 no. 3, pl. 6.3.
  • 26 Houwink Ten Cate 1961, 102 and 118: Δαπαρας (Lykia), Τβερασητας and Τβερημωσις (Kilikia); Hagel an (...)
  • 27 Cf. n. 13 above.

15In l986, I published a proxeny decree from Keramos which contained the indeclinable name of a tribe (phyle) of the city: Τεβρεμουν25. This was the first time that the root tapara/dapara was encountered in western Anatolia. Personal names formed from this root were known in Lykia and Kilikia26, but in this case Τεβρεμουν was the name of a people who once lived in or around Keramos and who later became constituent members of the Greek city27. The inscription was dated to the late fourth or early third century BC, proving the survival, if not the pride, of a group of indigenous Karians well into the Hellenistic period.

  • 28 Bresson et al. 2005, 70-1.
  • 29 Recently another Kodopa has come to light in Lykia, cf. İşkan 1998-1999, 36-7 and 91-2; Adak & Şah (...)

16Another Hellenistic inscription from around Keramos revealed a place name called Kodapa. The stone was found in the field at the foot of the two neighbouring mountains, namely the Kocadağ and the Karamandağ28. In the first place, the interpretation of the inscription is complicated by the fact that we cannot tell to which of the two sites the name Kodapa belonged. Or did Kodapa (perhaps a plural) denote a pair of sites on both mountains29?

  • 30 Blümel 1998, 163-84.

17In Karia there are many comparable toponyms beginning with the prefix Ko-, such as Κοαρβωνδα, Κοαρρενδα, Κοζανατα, Κομυριον, Κορελλα, etc30. The name Kodapa might therefore be analysed as composed of a prefix Ko-and a stem-dapa. Accounting for dialectical and other variations, the stem might therefore have evolved from the Karian -dapa to the Kilikian -dopa, or vice versa.

  • 31 I.Keramos 11 nos. 1-2, pl. 6.2.
  • 32 Konuk 2000, 164; Bresson et al. 2005, 75 n. 19.
  • 33 I.Keramos 6 and pl. 4.2.
  • 34 Peschlow-Bindokat 2001, 256-8 and pl. 5-8; id. AA, 2001, 363-78; id. 2002, 211-5.

18There is indeed abundant evidence for the Karian background of Keramos and its surroundings. Two stelai with unidentified characters whose decipherment is a matter of controversy among scholars have been found near Keramos31. In addition there are inscriptions on coins bearing the Karian name of Keramos (kbos)32. It may also be worth recalling the naked figure of a youth holding in his right hand a double axe, thought to be a typically Karian symbol, which is carved on a rock in the locality called Künnecik Boğazı (gorge or pass)33. This figure might be considered a ‘sign-post’ for the pass like the hieroglyphic cartouche cut into the cliff of a pass in the Latmos area34.

  • 35 Houwink Ten Cate 1961, 214.

19The Leleges, the Karians, or even the Luwians, or whatever their original name, lived in safety on the steep hills overlooking the ocean, avoiding danger which came from the sea. Eventually people came from the sea and gained a foothold on the coast and by means of acculturation prevailed over the indigenous population. One might in conclusion cite Houwink Ten Cate’s words: ‘The archaeological data from these regions are still comparatively scarce, though it is noteworthy that these historical and linguistic details seem to correspond with a certain complex of archaeological findings’35. The inscriptions concerning Kodapa and Kodopa form but a piece of a wider puzzle, yet I hope they may now be fully considered by linguists and other specialists.

Image

Fig. 1. View of Karamandağ and Kocadağ from Çökertme (Yalı).

Image

Fig. 2. Walls on Kocadağ.

Image

Fig. 3. Walls on Karamandağ.

Image

Fig. 4. View of Çökertme (Yalı) from Kocadağ.

Image

Fig. 5. View of Çökertme (Yalı) from Kocadağ.

Image

Fig. 6. Kayraçtepe on a map of 1: 25,000 scale.

Image

Fig. 7. View of Korykos from Kayraçtepe.

Image

Fig. 8. Inscription no. 2.

Image

Fig. 9. Inscription no. 3.

Image

Fig. 10. Inscription no. 4.

Image

Fig. 11. The Temple of Zeus Kodopaios.

Notes

1 Varinlioğlu et al. 1992, 155-74.

2 Varinlioğlu 1992, 22.

3 Hula & Szanto 1895, 27. They were informed likewise by the local people about the ruins but prevented from visiting the site because of fog.

4 Bresson et al. 2005, 75: ‘le nom de Kapız, mot qui n’a pas de signification en turc’. But cf. İzbırak 1986, s. v. Kapız (German Kastental, French Cañon, English Canyon).

5 Varinlioğlu 1993, 199-200, 202-3; id. 1994, 185-8.

6 Varinlioğlu 1996, 123-4, 126, 129-30 (ph. 1 and 2); id. 2004, 126 Fig. 3, 128-9, Figs. 8-9.

7 Bean & Cook 1955, 135, 142 no. 67, 165; I.Keramos pl. 4.

8 Varinlioğlu 2004, 130.

9 I.Keramos 69 and pl. XIII-XIV.

10 I.Keramos pl. II and XIII (Çökertme Bay).

11 Bean & Cook 1955, 141 no. 65.

12 Varinlioğlu 1996, 124, 127; id. 2004, 130 and Fig. 12.

13 Ibid. 131; I.Keramos 6.

14 I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Mustafa Hamdi Sayar who kindly gave me permission to present these inscriptions.

15 I visited Hasanaliler during the archaeological survey conducted by Günder Varinlioğlu towards her doctoral dissertation Rural Landscape and Built Environment at the End of Antiquity: Limestone Villages of Southeastern Isauria.

16 Bent 1890, 448; Hicks 1891, 242 no. 26; Dagron & Feissel 1987, 44, no. 16. Bent copied the inscription on the spot but confused this upper temple with one below, which was rebuilt as a church at the edge of the Korykian Cave. However, he distinguished one from the other in Bent 1891, 214-6. Feld & Weber 1967, 267, searched in vain for the upper temple and denied its existence. Here, it is possible to refer to the map of a scale of 1: 25,000 made by the Turkish General Directorate of Cartography for the exact location of the temple at Kayraçtepe, and, in order to settle the matter once and for all concerning the provenance of the inscription, give the coordinates of the spot measured by G. Varinlioğlu using a handheld GPS with a 4 m accuracy. The coordinates of the site in the UTM projection system using WGS84 datum are 36598373E – 4035372N. About the publications of the inscription see also Hild and Hellenkemper 1990, 315; Hagel & Tomaschitz 1998, 191: Korykion antron no. 4. I wish to thank Mr. Feyzullah Gürsoy for guiding us to the location of the temple.

17 Height 60 cm; width 43 cm; letters 4 cm.

18 Dagron & Feissel 1987, 46.

19 Height 1.13 m; width 50 cm; thickness 50 cm; letters 5 cm.

20 Parker 2000, 76-7. I wish to thank A. Chaniotis who corrected my reading of the name Μηνοδοτιανόν as Μηνοδοπανόν. I was able to confirm the correct reading through autopsy.

21 Baldwin 1980, 132: ‘... Geta was good looking.’; SHA, Geta 4.1: Fuit adulescens decorus...

22 Height 0.45; width 0.31; letters 0.035. Here again rounded sigma, epsilon and mu are used throughout the text.

23 Cf. Durugönül 1998, 112.

24 Height 0.7 m; combined width of blocks a and b: 1.4 m, block c: 1 m; thickness 0.5 m; letters 0.14 m.

25 I. Keramos 4 and n. 3-4, 13 no. 3, pl. 6.3.

26 Houwink Ten Cate 1961, 102 and 118: Δαπαρας (Lykia), Τβερασητας and Τβερημωσις (Kilikia); Hagel and Tomaschitz 1998, 102: Τβαραμοτης (Kilikia Aspera).

27 Cf. n. 13 above.

28 Bresson et al. 2005, 70-1.

29 Recently another Kodopa has come to light in Lykia, cf. İşkan 1998-1999, 36-7 and 91-2; Adak & Şahin 2004b, 235, 237-8; for Kodopa as a ‘halting-place between the cities Choma and Akarassos (Elmalı)’, cf. Adak & Şahin 2004a, 68, 70 (where ἀπὸ Κοδόπων is almost certainly plural), and 73. For the authors’theory that it is possible that other Kodopas will appear in the neighbouring regions, namely Lykia, Karia and Pisidia, cf. p. 68.

30 Blümel 1998, 163-84.

31 I.Keramos 11 nos. 1-2, pl. 6.2.

32 Konuk 2000, 164; Bresson et al. 2005, 75 n. 19.

33 I.Keramos 6 and pl. 4.2.

34 Peschlow-Bindokat 2001, 256-8 and pl. 5-8; id. AA, 2001, 363-78; id. 2002, 211-5.

35 Houwink Ten Cate 1961, 214.

Auteur

Akdeniz Üniversitesi, Antalya

© Ausonius Éditions, 2010

Conditions d’utilisation : http://www.openedition.org/6540