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OpenEdition Books

Studies in Greek epigraphy and history in honor of Stefen V. Tracy

 | 
Gary Reger
, 
Francis X. Ryan
, 
Timothy Francis Winters

2. The Wider Greek Word

Chapter 22. A Bronze Inscribed Tablet from the Sikyonian Countryside A Reappraisal

Yannis Lolos

Texte intégral

  • 1 As a rule, I will not discuss the linguistic aspects of this document nor its great significance w (...)
  • 2 I am grateful to the staff of the Bronze Collection for allowing me to examine the plaque and for (...)

1In the mid 1930s a young shepherd from the Corinthian village of Kryoneri (formerly called Matsani) presented A. Orlandos, who was then conducting excavations in Sikyon, an inscribed bronze tablet found at Tzami, a place lying ca. 2.7 km northwest of his village. The text, 20 lines long, is entirely preserved and remains the longest surviving inscription ever found in the Sikyon area. In the course of the archaeological survey which I have conducted in the territory of ancient Sikyon, I investigated the site of Tzami which proved to be one of the most sizable settlements of Sikyonia during the late-Archaic and Classical periods. The purpose of this paper is to present the inscription in its geographical context, and to reevaluate its contribution to our knowledge of Sikyonian personal names and social history and of the practice of communal dining in Archaic and early Classical Greece1. In addition, my autopsy of the plaque, which is stored in the Bronze Collection of the National Archaeological Museum (inv. no. X 16355), produced interesting observations on the writing of the inscription that have escaped previous examiners2.

The tablet and the text

  • 3 According to the staff of the museum, the plaque was conserved prior to 1965.
  • 4 However, the thickness of the plaque does not let the lettering go through.

2The rectangular tablet, 0.001 m thick, is an alloy of copper and tin and possibly other elements for purposes of hardness and strength (fig. 1). It is preserved almost intact with only its bottom left corner broken away3. Its rather uneven surface has peeled off close to the edges and in a few more spots, but this has not affected the readability of the text. There are four holes on the four corners, which would have served to nail the plaque to a hard surface. The edges of the plaque are not absolutely straight which accounts for slight variations of its width and height. The inscription has two parts: the first, in three lines, contains regulations for an association of 73 men, the names of whom are arranged in five columns in the second part. Each row contains 17 names except for the last one which has only five. For the most part, the writing was carefully executed with letters deeply incised with a thin, sharp instrument4. The cutter has occasionally overextended or doubled a stroke and in only two cases entirely missed it: the cross of the theta in Εὐθδαμος (top of the fourth row), and the horizontal stroke of the second alpha in Δαμαίνεος (fifth row, third name).

3Dimensions of plaque: W.: 0.472 (upper edge)–0.467 (lower edge); H.: 0.259 (middle)–0.255 (closer to the edges). Diam. of holes: 0.009–0.01 m. Upper holes set 0.014 m from upper edge, lower ones 0.010 m from the lower edge. Holes on the left 0.015 m from the left edge, holes on the right 0.010 m from the right edge. Average dimensions of inscribed surface: 0.43 m (W.) by 0.24 m (H.), with uneven margins: W. of left margin: 0.033-0.034 m; W. of right margin: 0.002 m. H. of top margin: 0.005 m; H. of bottom margin: 0.010-0.013 m. Space between the prescript and the columns: 0.013-0.015 m. Line spacing: 0.001-0.002 m. Letter H.: 0.009 m. (Diam. of the omicron: 0.0065 m); Letter Th.: 0.001 m.

Fig. 1. The tablet (EAM: X 16355).

Fig. 2. The tablet with the incised guidelines indicated in white color.

  • 5 We cannot be certain about this because the surface of the left margin has peeled off.
  • 6 0.47 (total width of the plaque)–0.052 (combined width of the left and right margins) = 0.418 m.

4My inspection of the plaque has revealed the existence of guidelines in the form of light incisions, not visible on frontal viewing and consequently not showing on the photographs. On fig. 2, my white lines approximate the guidelines of the plaque. Prior to writing, the cutter had gridded the plaque proceeding as follows: he first drew the lines of the left and right margins from top to bottom. The left margin is 0.030 m and the right margin 0.022 m wide. Then he drew the top margin line, which he most likely did not extend over the left margin, 0.003 m from the upper edge5. He subsequently drew from top to bottom 21 horizontal lines, all 0.011 m high, leaving a bottom margin 0.010 m high. The lines are drawn all the way to the right edge of the plaque, beyond the right vertical margin line, but do not extend over the left margin. He then wrote the prescript, left one empty line below, and started with inscribing the names of the first column. After finishing, he drew a vertical line from the empty line under the prescript to the bottom. The lateral position of this line was determined by the longest words of the column (lines 14-16 and l8). He then incised the names of the second column, drew a second vertical line before proceeding to the third column and so forth. Unlike the horizontal lines and the left and right vertical margin lines, which were drawn with a ruler prior to writing, the vertical lines between the columns are hand drawn after finishing each column. This explains the different width of the columns, which from left to right average 0.078, 0.084, 0.096, 0.097 and 0.084 m. It is also clear that the cutter has miscalculated the width of the columns, which forced him to go over the right vertical guideline almost to the end of the surface. Had he kept an average width of 0.084 m as he did in the second and fifth columns, he would have ended with a total width of 0.41-0.42 m thus respecting the right margin6. This is important to note because it strongly suggests that the cutter inscribed all the names at once and did not add names with time. The result of this preparation and careful execution of the writing is an elegant inscription, undoubtedly the work of someone experienced in writing on this medium.

5My examination of the inscription reconfirmed Orlandos’ and Peek’s readings but for purposes of easy reference I copy the text below:

Τούτονδε κοινὰ ἔστο τò ἑστιατόριον καὶ τὰ ὄρε καὶ ho χαλκιòν
καί τἆλα, fόικέουσίν γα καὶ τὰ τέλε φέρουσιν· πολεῖν δὲ
μεδὲ συναλάζεσθαι ἐξέστο.

Πείθον

Ξενέας

Σοκράτες

Εὐθύδαμος

Εὔφραστος

5 Πεντίας

Ξενοκλές

Εὔαλκος

Δεξίθεος

Kλεομέδες

Βαθέας

Πολεας

Δαμόχαρις

Λυσίδαμος

Δαμαινεος

Ξανθίας

Φίλαρχος

Καλλιβιος

Πολλιάδας

Θεοκλείδας

Χάρμος

Φοσέας

Λιπαρίον

ƒίσfαρχος

Ἀντιμένες

Κλεον

ƒέπις

Ἀρχένοος

Νικοφάνες

10 Τίμον

Ἄλκιμος

ΚαλλικλɛÞς

Ἀριστόβουλος

Πολλίας

Τίμανδρος

Δεξιάδας

Θέρσανδρος

Σῖμός

Ξενοφάες

Μενίσκος

Εὐαίνετος

Λυσίον

'Ραύδιος

Πυρƒίας

Ἀριστοκλείδας

Ἐνπέδον

Κλειτίας

Μενέτιμος

Ἀκμαντίδας

15 Μικύλος

Εὐάνιος

Ἀριστίον

Ἀριστογείτον

Τυχαῖος

Χριθύλος

Θέρσανδρος

Εὐδαμίδας

Δεινίας

Πλειστίας

Ἀγρόφιλος

Τιμόδαμος

Πραΰλος

Νεόλας

Σοκράτες

Τιμανδρίδας

Μνασίον

Πέριλλος

Ξενοπείθες

Εὐμναστιδας

20 Ἀρίστον

Εὐέστιος

Δέξανδρος

Ἀριστόδαμος

  • 7 Jeffery 1990, 141.
  • 8 The qoppa along with the medial vow appear on a graffito with the ethnic “Sikyonios” written from (...)
  • 9 Peek 1941, 206-207, argues for a similar dating by comparing this inscription with the lettering o (...)

6The writing shows Sikyonian epichoric lettering with its hourglass epsilon. The date of the inscription is problematic since the content provides no help and we have to rely on the lettering, notorious for its untrustworthiness even for areas and periods abounding in inscriptions. Jeffery dates it to ca. 500, based on the archaic forms of mu, nu and theta (which is crossed), and the rather spasmodic use of the vau, both initial and medial7. On the other hand, the consistent writing of the prescript from left to right, and the disappearance of the qoppa prevents us from pushing it to the early 6th century8. A late 6th /early 5th date century is probably a safe guess for this unique document, and agrees with the dating of the ceramic material from the site where the plaque was found9.

Commentary on the prescript

  • 10 For example the most common specimen among the remnants of communal meals in the sanctuary of Deme (...)
  • 11 I would like to thank Yannis Pikoulas for this comment. The hill of Thekriza (on which see below u (...)
  • 12 Tomlinson 1980, 223.
  • 13 This interpretation is reinforced by an early fourth century Boiotian inscription listing sacred p (...)
  • 14 Peek translates it as “Gerätekammer” and Lejeune as “chaudronnerie”. Their translation must be bas (...)

7The first three lines set rules for the 73 men, namely that “the hestiatorion and the ὄρη and the χαλκιών and the rest should be common among these people, provided that they live (here) and bring the τέλη; and it is not allowed to sell or exchange”. Hestiatorion is clearly a banquet-hall but the meanings of (ὄρη and χαλκιών are less certain. On the basis of Pollux (Onomastikon 7,151 and 10,130), Orlandos suggested that (ὄρη were the wooden basins of olive-presses, which is an attractive hypothesis given that olives and olive-oil were essential in ancient Greek diet, and are commonly found in the context of communal dining10. Yet, the high altitude of the hill where the hestiatorion was, must have been prohibitive for the growing of the olive, and hence our (ὄρη could not possibly refer to olive presses, usually installed at or near the source of production, i.e. the olive groves11. Tomlinson, based on the scholiast’s interpretation of Aristophanes’Acharnians 82, translates the (ὄρη of our inscription as “chamber pots”, acknowledging at the same time that “the prominence given to the chamber pots is, to say the least, surprising12”. I find Tomlinson’s interpretation in this context rather unlikely. On the other hand, Harpocration (035 Keaney) lists the term (ὄρov, which he explains as a certain agricultural implement (σκεῦóς τι γεωργικόν) occasionally designating a wine-pressing wooden board (ξύλον τι, ᾧ τὴν πεπατημένην σταφυλὴν πιέζορσιν). The (ὄρη of our inscription though must be the plural form of (ὄρoς not of ὄρov, but if we are willing to consider this a mistake, then we could argue that (ὄρη refer to a wine (not olive) pressing implement. Vineyards are less affected by the frost in winter and early spring, and wine was a sine qua non of an ancient Greek symposion. The exact meaning of χαλκιών is more problematic. The term occurs only in Homer and Hesiod in the sense of bronze smithy. It is possible that it designated a bronze smithy here as well as part of the hestiatorion establishment, but more likely the term designated the whole of bronze cooking utensils, as Orlandos first argued13. A further possibility, favored by Peek and Lejeune and endorsed by Hallof, is χαλκιών referring to a room housing the bronze items14. However the case may be, we are dealing with regulations regarding a banquet-hall and its dependencies and belongings.

  • 15 Denniston 1954, 115. In our case γα has a limitative use, whereby the main clause is valid in so f (...)
  • 16 Notice the anacoluthon in this sentence with the participles (οἰκέυυσι, φέρυυσι) disagreeing in ca (...)
  • 17 See below, p. 000.(+ 6 p)

8γα, “one of the subtlest and most elusive of particles”15, accompanies the restrictions applied so that the men listed below enjoy the rights they were given. These men are allowed to share the hestiatorion and its belongings as long as they live here and pay their τέλη 16. It is rather odd that no preposition or suffix denoting place accompanies ƒἰκέουσιν, as usually happens. Where, then, does fοικέουσιν refer to? All previous commentators of this inscription bypass this obvious question, while Lejeune suggested Sikyon as a whole. This is certainly not so; the verb must refer to a smaller entity, either the town where this tablet was found and our survey identified, or to a specific quarter or even to a complex where the hestiatorion may have belonged. With respect to the last possibility, a sanctuary comes readily to mind since hestiatoria are often associated with sanctuaries17. It is, however, rather unlikely that as many as 73 people lived in a sanctuary, and therefore we should turn to the other two options, the town or one of its districts. Since we do not know if this was the only hestiatorion in town nor its purpose, we cannot answer this question.

  • 18 In Attica, the residence requirement usually applies to metoikoi, but as Peek (1941, 202-203) poin (...)
  • 19 Cf. Theopompos (FGrHist 115, F176) and Menaichmos (FGrHist 131, F1) who compares the κατωνακοφóροι (...)
  • 20 One notices the omission of geminate lamda in συναλάζεσθαι on this phenomenon in Attic inscription (...)

9τέλη can have several meanings, services, dues, or offerings to the gods, and can be monetary or in kind or both. Regardless of the exact meaning, this obligation in connection with the last prohibition of the prescript, i.e. not to sell or exchange, argues strongly for these males being adults, in all likehood Sikyonian citizens of some means18. At the same time, these conditions might exclude people of lower status, serfs and obviously slaves, and possibly even citizens of lower means. We hear of a group of serfs in Sikyon called κατωνακοφόροι, literary “sheepskin wearers”, who were attached to the lands that they cultivated on behalf of their masters19. These people presumably resided in farmsteads scattered in the countryside, and would have been excluded from communal dining in the hestiatorion. The 73 participants in question in order to benefit from sharing the hestiatorion, its dependencies and belongings, must reside in the community. Whoever would leave, would also loose these privileges. As to the prohibition contained in the last clause20, no object is specified. I have found no other cases where the verbs in question appear without an object. Therefore I assume that the object implied in our sentence are the privileges expressed above. Accordingly, I take this sentence to mean that the alienation of these privileges, either through sale or exchange, was prohibited. The sentence also suggests that both, barter and monetary exchange, were forms of transaction practiced in late Archaic Sikyon.

Comments on the proper names

  • 21 Remarkably, Orlandos does not seem to have taken notice of the Sikyonian prosopography compiled by (...)

10Our knowledge of Greek personal names has greatly increased since Orlandos’editio princeps of the text in 1937 and the subsequent comments and corrections of Peek and Lejeune in the early 1940s21. There is no point to proceeding to a full commentary on the names here, since we have no patronymics, but I have a few observations to make. Our list includes some 13 very common names, which are found around the Greek world. These are Ἄλκιμος, Ἀριστίων, Ἀριστόβουλος, Ἀριστόδαμος, Ἀρίστων, Δεινίας, Καλλικλῆς, Κλεών, Μενίσκος, Ξενοκλῆς, Σίμος, Σωκράτης who occurs twice in the inscription, and Τίμών. Thirty-five names are less common, and most of them widely scattered in the Greek world: Ἀντιμένης, Ἀριστογείτων, Ἀριστοκλείδας, Δαμόχαρις, Δέξανδρος, Δεξίθεος, Ἐμπέδων, Εὐαίνετος, Εὔαλκος, Εὐδαμίδας, Εὐθύδαμος, Εὔφραστος, Θεοκλείδας, Θέρσανδρος who occurs twice in the inscription, Καλλίβιος, Κλειτίας, Κλεομήδης, Λυσίδαμος, Λυσίων, Μενέτιμος, Μικύλος, Μνασιων, Νικοφάνης, Ξανθίας, Ξενέας, Ξενοπείθης, Πείθων, Πλειστίας, Πολέας, Πολλίας, Πράϋλος, Τίμανδρος, Τιμόδαμος, Φίλαρχος, and Χάρμος. There is no apparent geographical pattern in the occurrence of these names, with the exception of Ἀριστόδαμος and Εὐδαμίδας, both very popular in Sparta, Ξανθίας which is common in Thessaly, and Θεοκλείδας which is encountered in a few cities of the Peloponnese and on the island of Thera. We also note the early occurrence of Δέξανδρος in Corinth (eighth century), of Εὐαινετος (early fifth century), and Τιμόδαμος (ca. 500) in Sparta, and of Θέρσανδρος in Argos (550) and Corinth (early sixth century).

  • 22 LGPN is of course not an exhaustive catalogue of Greek names known to this day, since some areas, (...)

11Of potential interest in this respect are the 15 rare names of our inscription: ’Αρχ|ένοος is found in its contracted form (Ἀρχένους) five more times in LGPN, in Chalkis and Thrace, all later in date22. Βαθέας occurs in two fourth century inscriptions from the Arkadian Kleitor and from Thasos, and as Βαθίας in the Thessalian Herakleia. Δεξιάδας appears three times in Hellenistic inscriptions from Messenia, Thespiai and Delphi. Εὐάνιος appears two more times, in an early Archaic inscription from Thera (seventh century?) and on a Classical vase from the Macedonian city of Akanthos. Εὐμναστίδας occurs only one other time in fourth century Athens as Εὐμνηστίδης. ƒίσαρχος is found four more times, in fifth century Olympia and Corinth and in Hellenistic Aitolia as ’Ίσαρχος and once in fifth century Thespiai as ƒίσαρχος. Λιπαρίων appears once again in a mid-fifth century inscription from Keos. Νεόλας appears in a sixth century inscription from Thera and much later (first century BC onwards) in Sparta on seven occasions. There is one more example of Ξενοφάνης, in Achaian Phthiotis of 178 BC. Πέριλλος is found five more times from the fourth century onwards, in Argos, Epidauros, Chalkis, Pholegandros and Macedonia respectively. Πολλιάδας appears twice in third century Argos and Megara respectively, and two more times in Athens as Πολλιάδης. Πυρfίας is epigraphically attested in early sixth century Corinth twice and once in early fifth century Mycenae. Τιμανδρίδας occurs five times in Arkadia and Lakonia, and 13 more times in Athens, Euboea and Boiotia as Τιμανδρίδης. Of Τυχαῖος we have three more examples, from Sparta and Achaian Phthiotis, much later in date. Finally, there is one more example of Χριθύλος, from early fifth century Argos (as Κριθύλος).

  • 23 This discovery refutes Lejeune’s (1943, 189) statement, that “un bon nombre des noms nouvellement (...)

12A review of the geographical areas where these rare names occur produces no clear or consistent pattern of distribution23. The example of Πέριλλος illustrates the point, not to mention the extreme case of Ἐμπέδων all other occurrences of which are from outside the Peloponnese. Yet, a couple of regions do share some of the same proper names, namely Lakonia, and to a much lesser extent, Argolis-Corinthia.

  • 24 Skalet’s (1928) compilation includes 363 names, to which we should now add twenty or so more outsi (...)
  • 25 That is 73 minus 2 names (Θέρσανδρος and Σωκράτης) which occur twice in the inscription.
  • 26 These are: Ἀγροφιλος, Ἀκμαντίδας, Ἄλκιμος, Ἀριστόβουλος, Ἀριστόδαμος, Ἀριστοκλείδας, Ἀρχένοος, Βαθ (...)
  • 27 [Εὐ]έσπυς is restored in a first century inscription from Lindos.

13Our inscription adds tremendously to Sikyonian onomastics24. Only 12 of the 71 names25 appear again in literary and epigraphical sources, all dating from the late Classical period onwards. These are the common names Ἀριστόδαμος, Ἀρίστων, Κλέων, Μενίσκος, Ξενοκλῆς, Σωκράτης, and the less common Ἀντιμένης, Εὐθύδαμος, Καλλίβιος, Μνασίων, Νικοφάνης, Ξενέας, and Τιμόδαμος. Beyond, LGPN cites no earlier occurrences for 44 out of the 71 names26. In addition, nine names seem to appear only here: Ἀγρόφιλος (wrongly transcribed in SEG, 11, 244 and hence in LGPN as Ἀργόφιλος), Ἀκμαντίδας, Δαμαίνεος, Εὐέστιος27, ƒέπις, Πεντίας, 'Ραύδιος and Φωσέας. It is perhaps noteworthy that Ἀκμαντίδας is closely related to Ἀκματίδας, which occurs once in sixth century Sparta. Δαμαίνεος approximates Δαμαίνετος, a relatively common name also found in Corinth and Sparta.

The tablet in its geographical context

  • 28 Stikas 1947, 61-64.
  • 29 See Register of Sites (HS # 54) in Lolos forthcoming.
  • 30 Orlandos 1937-1938, 5. The statuette is stored in the museum of Sikyon.
  • 31 The alternative would be to have a temporary hestiatorion, such as a tent, not unusual in a sanctu (...)
  • 32 See Schmitt Pantel 1992, 304-313.
  • 33 On the dimensions of the couches at the Corinthian sanctuary see Tables 2 and 3 of Appendix I in B (...)
  • 34 See Schmitt Pantel 1992, 309.
  • 35 The dining rooms there average 3.60 to 4.60 m per side, corresponding to an area of 17-22 m2 and t (...)
  • 36 For examples see Goldstein 1978, 103; Bookidis & Stroud 1997, 394; Schmitt Pantel 1992, 307-309. R (...)

14Tzami, where the plaque was found, refers to the almost flat and oblong summit of the hill of Thekriza, situated some 12 km west of Sikyon, in the mountainous hinterland of the ancient city-state (fig. 3). The summit of the hill (almost 900 masl), of an approximate surface of 50,000 m2, has a southwest-northeast orientation (fig. 4). It features pronounced southern and eastern slopes, a gentler northern slope, and connects with the Moungostos forested tableland towards the northwest. From the hill one has a commanding view over the plain of Klimenti-Kaisari to the southwest and the road to Stymphalos crossing it. A few years after the discovery of the plaque, Stikas, after having reconfirmed the area of discovery by inquiring in the nearby village of Kryoneri, carried out an excavation on the hill in search of the sanctuary where the plaque would have presumably come from28. His excavation concentrated on a square building, the foundations of which lie near the southern edge of the hill, and determined its defensive nature as a watch tower. In the course of my extensive survey of the territory of ancient Sikyon, I investigated the plateau and discovered ample architectural and ceramic evidence for the existence of a sizable settlement here, occupying the entire summit and ranging in date from the late Archaic to the late Classical periods29. Pertinent to our purpose is the discovery of a sanctuary at the northeastern corner of the plateau with abundant sherds from miniature skyphoi, kotylai, kalathoi and kraters. The area has recently suffered from aggressive plowing and some earth removal operations in order to transform it into productive vine land, and this accounts for the scarcity of in situ architecture. We observed ashlar blocks and other architectural fragments in piles on the field boundaries, along the edge of the plateau, and down the slopes. The fact remains that this is the only sacred spot that our survey identified on the hill, and may be the home of the bronze statuette of a goat reported by Orlandos as coming from this site30. Whether the plaque could come from here as well depends on the context of the hestiatorion, sacred or profane, which I discuss below. Either here or somewhere else on the plateau, we can be certain of a permanent structure, given the monumentality of the inscription and the fact that it was nailed to a hard surface, presumably the door of the complex31. Although there does not seem to have been a standard type of a banquet-hall, we often encounter a rectangular room with an off-center door in order to accommodate as many couches as possible along the walls, and sometimes with a hearth at the center, but there is considerable variation and often large hypostyle halls or porticoes could host communal dining32. What is certain is that the accommodation of as many as 73 people would have necessitated a very large single structure, or a complex with series of adjacent rooms. Given the average length of the couches discovered in the dining rooms of the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore in Corinth, between 1.65 and 1.85 m, a very large hypostyle hall, some 32 m per side, would have been needed33. Although there are examples of large halls used for dining34, it is highly unlikely that a single building covering a surface of some 1 000 m2 would have been erected in this rural town of Sikyonia ca. 500 BC. It is better to imagine a cluster of modest units, probably not free-standing as in the Corinthian sanctuary of Demeter35, since the inscription refers to a hestiatorion in the singular, but serially arranged behind a colonnade or incorporated into a peristyle36. Accordingly, the participants would have dined in groups. An alternative possibility is the 73 to have dined in shifts according to a certain principle, in which case a smaller dining room would suffice, but the inscription makes no reference to such a pratice.

Fig. 3. Map of the area.

Fig. 4. The hill of Thekriza (Tzami) from the south.

Overall appraisal

  • 37 The boundaries between sacred, civic and private are not always clear nor easy to discern; see Arn (...)

15The sacred or profane context of this inscription has been debated among scholars ever since its discovery. Was this hestiatorion and its dependencies part of a sanctuary or was it part of the public or private, non-religious sphere of the community where it was found? Were these 73 males the participants in a ritual meal in honor of a divinity or do they represent an official civic association or again a private group37? Given the uniqueness of these regulations not only in the Sikyonian corpus but indeed in the entire corpus from the ancient Greek world, we can only offer suggestions here.

  • 38 See the examples cited by Schmitt Pantel 1992, 328-329.

16With respect to the first question, the majority of hestiatoria are associated, usually textually and sometimes physically as well, with sanctuaries, and this is particularly true for the Archaic period38. Based on this, Peek (1941, 201-202) argued that our Sikyonians were connected to a particular cult. However, no reference is made in the tablet to a deity or a cult. To circumvent this problem, Peek suggested the possibility that the cult and associated sacred regulations were written on another bronze plaque now lost. It may be so, but the rules given in the prescript and the number of participants forces us to consider other possibilities as well.

  • 39 Orlandos 1937-38, 7.
  • 40 See Schmitt Pantel 1992, 307-308.
  • 41 Schmitt Pantel 1992, 316. Van Effenterre & Ruzé (1994, 290) also think that we are dealing with a (...)
  • 42 Hallof 1993, 72.

17According to Orlandos, 73 is too large of a number for a sacred banquet, and suggests instead that we are dealing with a kind of syssitoi, namely participants in common civic meals after the example of the Cretan or Spartan ones39. Although we have no name list of participants in a banquet held in honor of a divinity, the majority of hestiatoria which have been identified in sanctuaries could have hardly accommodated more than 20 to 30 people40. For Schmitt Pantel the residence requirement implies that we are dealing with citizens who belonged to an official subdivision of the city41. For Hallof on the other hand, the fact that no penalty is foreseen for transgressing the rules points to the private (i.e. not public) sphere42. In order to weigh these possibilities, we need to step back to briefly consider what we know of public and private groups engaged in sacred or profane communal dining in Archaic and Classical Greece.

  • 43 Sokolowski 1969, no. 118 (Chios); Kokkourou-Aleura 2004, no. 5 (Kos).
  • 44 Pugliese Carratelli 1963-1964, no. XXVI.

18The notion of a group of people commonly sharing a building and its belongings finds parallels in the religious sphere. One inscription from Chios and another from Kos, of the late fourth and third century respectively, contain regulations applying to the participants in a sanctuary43. The Chian inscription prescribes that the phratry of Klytidai and no one else was entitled to share the sacred oikos of the phratry, where the private shrines of Klytidai had previously moved. The Koan inscription is a decree of the deme of Alasarna prohibiting the priest and the officials to borrow by pledging the cups or other vessels of the sanctuary of Apollo, unless they are demesmen who participate in the sanctuary. Who these demesmen might have been is indicated by another inscription from Alasarna, dating to ca. 200 BC and bearing the names of the tribesmen who participated to the sanctuary of Apollo and Herakles44. In other words each phratry of late-Classical Chios commonly shared a specific sacred oikos, and each tribe of Hellenistic Alasarna enjoyed participation to a designated sanctuary.

  • 45 On these groups, see now Jones 1999, 249-267, and Arnaoutoglou 2003, 32-60.
  • 46 According to Arnaoutoglou (2003, 32), orgeones of heroes may have existed as early as the late six (...)
  • 47 IG, II2, 2355. Non-citizens could also participate in orgeones, especially in those devoted to the (...)
  • 48 Arnaoutoglou 2003, 96-98, who challenges earlier views that proof of citizenship was also required (...)
  • 49 On the Attic thiasoi see Lambert 1998, 77-92.
  • 50 Thanks to two early poetic fragments we understand that a particular function of members of the Sp (...)
  • 51 Arnaoutoglou 2003, 61-64. The second half of the fourth century marks the appearance of one more c (...)
  • 52 Arnaoutoglou 2003, 98-99.

19In Attica, cultic societies called orgeones, namely “ritualists”, first appear in the time of Solon and occur frequently in epigraphic documents from the mid-fifth century onwards45. These groups were devoted to the maintenance of a hero-cult, and the persons in charge of the sacrifice were called hestiatores46. Orgeones were not exclusively based in the asty, as an inscription of the deme of Prospalta found near Keratea demonstrates47. We can be fairly confident that monetary contribution was one of the requirements for joining an orgeon48. In addition to the orgeones, we have a number of phratry subgroups in Attica with cultic associations, such as the thiasoi, unfortunately very poorly documented49. Thiasoi and thiasotai are in fact attested from many parts of the Greek world from the sixth century onwards. Arnaoutoglou convincingly challenges the common opinion that thiasoi have always been associated with the Dionysiac cult, and points to the fact that the earliest references to thiasoi are in the context of the institutionalized gatherings of Spartan men to which I shall return below50. Only from the late fifth and early fourth century onwards does the word denote the followers of a cult and private cult associations51. As in the case of the orgeones, payment of a contribution is the only known prerequisite for joining a thiasos52.

  • 53 The Athenian hetaireiai were private societies of upper-class males devoted to purely social activ (...)
  • 54 Meiggs Lewis 1988, no. 5, lines 15-16: καὶ καταστᾶμεν ἐς φυλὰν καὶ πάτραν ἐς θε | ἐννῆα ἑταιρήας.
  • 55 As argued by Chamoux 1953, 214.

20Phratry-based associations appear in other parts of the Greek world as well. Better known are the hetaireiai attested in early Crete, Thera and Cyrene53. In the decree of the Cyreneans (Meiggs & Lewis 1988, no. 5) whereby they grant equal citizenship to the Theraean residents of Cyrene, in accordance with the arrangements made by their respective ancestors at the time of the founding of Cyrene (late seventh century), it is specified that the Theraeans are “to be appointed to a tribe and to phratry and to nine hetaireiai54. In Thera, the hetaireiai appear only once, in a very fragmentary inscription probably dating to the late Archaic period (IG, XII, 3, 450, line 18). Yet, this is enough to suggest that the Cyreneans borrowed this scheme from the metropolis, where the hetaireiai were presumably established during the early stages of the state55.

  • 56 FGrHist 458, F2.
  • 57 Willetts 1955, 22-23.
  • 58 FGrHist 458, F2: Οἱ δὲ Λύττιοι συνάγουσι μὲν τὰ κοινὰ συσσίτια οὕτως, ἔκαστος τῶν γινομένων καρπῶν (...)
  • 59 Xen, Rep. Laced., 5; Plut., Vit. Lyc., 10-12.
  • 60 Plut., Vit. Lyc., 12,1-2: the food comprised specific quantities of barley, wine, cheese and figs.
  • 61 Demetrios of Skepsis, ap. Athen., 4, 141e. This arrangement probably had its roots in the military (...)

21Dosiadas, a Hellenistic writer of the history of Crete, tells us that all the citizens of Lyttos were divided into hetaireiai, which they called andreia, and that everywhere in Crete there are two houses for the syssitia, the andreion and the koimeterion, the latter used for entertaining strangers56. Willetts, based on the evidence of Dosiadas and a few inscriptions, argues that the hetaireiai or andreia admitted only citizens, honored the same god, namely Ζεῦς ἑταιρεῖος,, and were to be found all over Crete57. According to Dosiadas, in preparing the common meals each Lyttian citizen “contributes a tithe of his crops to his hetaireia, as well as the income from the state which the magistrates of the city divide among the households of all the citizens”58. Aristotle (Pol., 1272a), pointing out the similarities between Cretan and Spartan state organization, says that both have syssitia, which the Lakones in the old days “called not φιτίδια but (ἄνδρια, just like the Cretans, which is a proof that they came from Crete”. The difference, according to Aristotle, is that the Cretan arrangements for the syssitia are better than the Spartan ones, “for at Sparta each citizen pays a fixed poll-tax (τò τεταγμένον), failing which, he is prevented by law from taking part in the government”, whereas in Crete the system is more communal, and the participants are not to pay a tax. In the Spartan tradition, it was Lykourgos who established the common meals (phiditia), in order to do away with the luxurious private dinners59. Plutarch specifies that the Spartans would gather in tables of about 15 people, and each participant was required to contribute on a monthly basis a certain portion of food and a small sum of money to buy the rest60. We are not told on what basis these small groups were formed, but we do know that in Sparta each of the three original tribes had nine phratriai, a scheme echoing the Cyrenean-Theraean social division61.

  • 62 There is evidence for Sparta intervening in Sikyonian internal affairs to appoint an oligarchic go (...)

22The τέλη of our inscription, that the participants were required to bring must have been of similar nature. During the second half of the sixth and the whole of fifth centuries, Sparta and Sikyon had strong political ties, which extended beyond Sikyon’s mere adherence to the Peloponnesian League62. It is possible that the Spartans also exercised their influence on the social organization and communal practices of their precious ally. Common messes among citizens may have been a product of this influence, and if so our 73 Sikyonians could represent an official subdivision of the town where the tablet came from.

  • 63 Some scholars have doubted the accuracy of the information, and the motives behind these reforms a (...)
  • 64 Bekker, Anecd. Gr. II, 790, 32: στοῖχος παρὰ τοῖς παλαιοῖς ὁ ἀριθμός. Τοιγαροῦν οἱ Σικυώνιοι κατὰ (...)

23Unfortunately, we know very little about the internal division of the Sikyonian citizen body. Herodotos tells us (5,67-68) that Kleisthenes expressed his hostility against the Argives by changing the names of the three traditional Doric tribes (Hylleis, Pamphyloi and Dymanatai) into Hyatai, Oneatai and Choireatai at the same time adding a fourth tribe, which was his own, namely Archelaoi. The new names were observed for sixty years after the death of Kleisthenes. Thereafter the Sikyonians returned to their former tribal names and added a fourth one, namely Aigialeis63. In addition, a later scholiast to the Ars Grammatica of Dionysios Thrax tells us that the Sikyonians were divided and numbered by tribes64.

  • 65 With regard to Thera, Hiller von Gaertringen (1899, 144-146; 1904, 62) points out the similarities (...)
  • 66 Peek 1941, 206.
  • 67 Pugliese Carratelli 1963-1964, no. XXVI, l. 47-48: ἐπεί κα μέλλωντι κλείνεσθαι.

24Our 73 Sikyonians could hardly represent a portion of all three or four tribes, since 73 cannot be divided either by 3 or 4. They could not represent the whole of one tribe either since the size of the settlement speaks for a citizen population of at least 300. We should rather think of a smaller division, along the lines of a phratry or a hetaireia, such as those encountered in Sparta, Crete, Cyrene and Thera65. Peek suggested that our restrictive group of people were members of a broad genos66. Perhaps 73 is too large of a number for gennetai of a rural town, and phratores or hetairoi is a better guess. At the same time, the civic basis of this association would not preclude a religious purpose, whereby its members would hold common banquets in honor of a divinity within his or her premises. The examples of Chios and Kos, mentioned above, illustrate the point. Moreover, one of the two inscriptions from Alasarna specifies that the inventory of the tribesmen participating to the sanctuary of Apollo and Herakles will take place during the festival of Herakleia, “when the phyletai are about to dine67”. The sanctuary that we have detected near the northeastern edge of the plateau could have hosted such meetings. The sanctuary that we have detected near the northeastern edge of the plateau could have hosted these meetings.

25To summarize, this inscription is extremely important on many levels. Its very existence and quality prove the spread of writing in early Sikyon beyond the boundaries of the city proper, and at the same time might account for the dearth of inscriptions of that age by attesting to their perishable material. Its contribution to Sikyonian onomastics, where it supplies almost 20% of the total of known Sikyonian names has, I believe, been sufficiently shown. The identity of the group, whether it represents some cult association or a civic subdivision, cannot be established, but in either case this is one of the earliest inscriptions outside Attica to attest the presence of such groups. With respect to communal dining this is by far the earliest occurrence of the word hestiatorion in Greek literature, and provides unique evidence for rules applying to common banqueting in early Greece. But perhaps most important of all is that these regulations betray a certain degree of organization of the communal life in a settlement which was far away from the asty, already before the dawn of the Classical era.

Notes

1 As a rule, I will not discuss the linguistic aspects of this document nor its great significance with respect to the development of the Sikyonian dialect. These have been adequately treated and put in perspective by Lejeune 1943, 184-189, and Jeffery 1990, 141. The editio princeps is by Orlandos 1937-1938, who provided a decent, albeit brief presentation of this important text. His commentary has little on the site where the tablet was found, and his discussion of the proper names is now clearly dated. Subsequently, Peek 1941, 200-207, included this inscription among his “Heilige Gesetze” throwing light on many issues, but again no mention is made of the geographical context. In addition, brief but helpful commentaries on this inscription are offered by Hallof 1993, 69-72, no. 23, and van Effenterre and Ruzé 1994, 290-291 no. 75, in their respective corpora. The inscription also appears in Guarducci’s collection 1967, 337-338.

2 I am grateful to the staff of the Bronze Collection for allowing me to examine the plaque and for kindly assisting me in the process. I would also like to thank the 37th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities for granting me the permit to study and photograph the inscription. R.S. Stroud, A. Matthaiou and B. Millis have read an early version of this manuscript and made important comments and additions. I am grateful to all three as well as to Themis Dallas for assisting me with Fig. 2, and to Leda Costaki for editing the final version. On January 29, 2007 I had the privilege of presenting this inscription in a seminar of the Epigraphical Museum, and the audience’s comments and observations proved very helpful. Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to Nancy Bookidis for her insightful comments ans to the three editors of this volume for inviting me to contribute. All dates are BCE unless otherwise noted.

3 According to the staff of the museum, the plaque was conserved prior to 1965.

4 However, the thickness of the plaque does not let the lettering go through.

5 We cannot be certain about this because the surface of the left margin has peeled off.

6 0.47 (total width of the plaque)–0.052 (combined width of the left and right margins) = 0.418 m.

7 Jeffery 1990, 141.

8 The qoppa along with the medial vow appear on a graffito with the ethnic “Sikyonios” written from right to left on a poros block at Delphi. The block was found reused in the polygonal terrace wall of the temple of Apollo, which sets the end of the sixth century as its terminus ante quem. Unfortunately, we cannot be certain of the building where the block belongs, but it may be the Archaic temple of Apollo itself dated to ca. 600; see Daux 1937, 57-60; Jeffery 1990, 140. Sikyonian masons were active in Delphi during the first half of the sixth century, when the Sikyonian Tholos and the Monopteros were built: see Partida 2000, 75-90.

9 Peek 1941, 206-207, argues for a similar dating by comparing this inscription with the lettering of the inscription of the Sikyonian treasury at Olympia. The problem is that the date of that treasury is still not securely established.

10 For example the most common specimen among the remnants of communal meals in the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Corinth is the olive; see Bookidis et al. 1999, 51. On the terminology, see also Blümner 1912, 350.

11 I would like to thank Yannis Pikoulas for this comment. The hill of Thekriza (on which see below under geographical context), must have been the coldest area in the entire territory on the ancient city, and often suffers from the frost in winter time.

12 Tomlinson 1980, 223.

13 This interpretation is reinforced by an early fourth century Boiotian inscription listing sacred property of the people of Thespiai (SEG, 24, 361). The list comprises a number of bronze utensils for the preparation, cooking, serving and consumption of food. Tomlinson (1980, 222) convicingly argues that the objects are “the equipment for a formal dining hall or hestiatorion and its kitchen”, and translates χαλκιών of our inscription as “bronze equipment”. In addition, an incomplete catalogue of sacred utensils and furniture of the late fifth century from Brauron, still unpublished, lists a number of items including bronze pots for boiling water (χαλκία θερμαντήρια) and small bronze chytrai (χυτρίδες χαλκαί), which according to Themelis were used for preparing, cooking and serving food in a hestiatorion: see Themelis 1986, 8; cf. SEG, 37, 35.

14 Peek translates it as “Gerätekammer” and Lejeune as “chaudronnerie”. Their translation must be based on analogy with similar words, e.g. λυχνεών (place to store lamps), χοιρεων (pig-sty) and so forth.

15 Denniston 1954, 115. In our case γα has a limitative use, whereby the main clause is valid in so far as the participial clause is valid; cf. Denniston 1954, 143.

16 Notice the anacoluthon in this sentence with the participles (οἰκέυυσι, φέρυυσι) disagreeing in case with the demonstrative pronoun (τούτων). As observed by Lejeune (1943, 186, note 4) this is the result of the contamination of the double syntax of κoιvóv which can take the genitive as well as the dative.

17 See below, p. 000.(+ 6 p)

18 In Attica, the residence requirement usually applies to metoikoi, but as Peek (1941, 202-203) points out it is very unlikely that such an early association would have included foreigners, a view endorsed by Hallof (1993, 71). In addition, the place of discovery of this tablet, i.e. in the Sikyonian hinterland and as far away from the harbor as could be, is a further argument against these men being metoikoi, who were usually engaged in commercial activities in harbor-towns.

19 Cf. Theopompos (FGrHist 115, F176) and Menaichmos (FGrHist 131, F1) who compares the κατωνακοφóροι to the Spartan ἐπεύνακτοι..

20 One notices the omission of geminate lamda in συναλάζεσθαι on this phenomenon in Attic inscriptions, see Threatte 1980, 517. For the simplification of double consonants in early inscriptions, see Buck 1955, 76-77.

21 Remarkably, Orlandos does not seem to have taken notice of the Sikyonian prosopography compiled by Skalet in 1928. Peek and Lejeune are mostly concerned with the derivation of some of these names.

22 LGPN is of course not an exhaustive catalogue of Greek names known to this day, since some areas, notably Asia Minor, have not yet been included, and more names have come up in inscriptions discovered in the last decade.

23 This discovery refutes Lejeune’s (1943, 189) statement, that “un bon nombre des noms nouvellement connus se retrouve dans les pays doriens du nord-est du Péloponnèse, de la Mégaride à l’Argolide..”.

24 Skalet’s (1928) compilation includes 363 names, to which we should now add twenty or so more outside the ones listed in this inscription.

25 That is 73 minus 2 names (Θέρσανδρος and Σωκράτης) which occur twice in the inscription.

26 These are: Ἀγροφιλος, Ἀκμαντίδας, Ἄλκιμος, Ἀριστόβουλος, Ἀριστόδαμος, Ἀριστοκλείδας, Ἀρχένοος, Βαθέας, Δαμαίνεος, Δαμόχαρις, Δεξιάδας, Ἐμπέδων, Εὐαινετος, Εὔαλκος, Εὐάνιος, Εὐδαμίδας, Εὐέστιος, Εὐμναστίδας, Εὔφραστος, ƒέπις, ƒισƒαρχος, Θεοκλείδας, Καλλίβιος, Καλλικλῆς, Λιπαρίων, Λυσίδαμος, Λυσίων, Μενέτιμος, Μενίσκος, Μικύλος, Μνασίων, Νικοφάνης, Ξενέας, Ξενοφάης, Πεντίας, Πέριλλος, Πλειστίας, Πολλιάδας, Πράϋλος, 'Ραύδιος, Τιμανδρίδας, Τυχαίος, Φωσέας and Χρίθυλος..

27 [Εὐ]έσπυς is restored in a first century inscription from Lindos.

28 Stikas 1947, 61-64.

29 See Register of Sites (HS # 54) in Lolos forthcoming.

30 Orlandos 1937-1938, 5. The statuette is stored in the museum of Sikyon.

31 The alternative would be to have a temporary hestiatorion, such as a tent, not unusual in a sanctuary: see Schmitt Pantel 1992, 312-313.

32 See Schmitt Pantel 1992, 304-313.

33 On the dimensions of the couches at the Corinthian sanctuary see Tables 2 and 3 of Appendix I in Bookidis & Stroud 1997. In addition to the proper couches, the excavators have discovered smaller units, which they called half-couches, known from other parts of Greece too: Bookidis & Stroud 1997, 399. If similar units were used in our hestiatorion, then we should reconstruct a smaller building but not by much, since these half-couches were definitely not the norm.

34 See Schmitt Pantel 1992, 309.

35 The dining rooms there average 3.60 to 4.60 m per side, corresponding to an area of 17-22 m2 and typically accommodating seven and one-half couches. The early units (sixth and early fifth century) are built of fieldstones or fieldstone and pisé (the use of limestone was generalized in the fourth century): see Bookidis & Stroud 1997, 393-400.

36 For examples see Goldstein 1978, 103; Bookidis & Stroud 1997, 394; Schmitt Pantel 1992, 307-309. Roux’s (1973, 534-543) candidate for the hestiatorion of the Keians in Delos, mentioned by Herodotos, is an oblong rectangular structure, solidly built ca. 480-470, with two almost square rooms placed to the north and the south of a peristyle courtyard. According to an Epidaurian inscription bearing early third century building accounts (IG, IV, i2, 109), the dining complex in the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas included among others 14 dining rooms furnished with seven couches each, washing areas and a kitchen, arranged around a peristyle courtyard: see the commentary of Goldstein 1978, 101-107.

37 The boundaries between sacred, civic and private are not always clear nor easy to discern; see Arnaoutoglou 2003, 20-22.

38 See the examples cited by Schmitt Pantel 1992, 328-329.

39 Orlandos 1937-38, 7.

40 See Schmitt Pantel 1992, 307-308.

41 Schmitt Pantel 1992, 316. Van Effenterre & Ruzé (1994, 290) also think that we are dealing with a civic association, comparable to the Cretan hetaireiai or syssitia.

42 Hallof 1993, 72.

43 Sokolowski 1969, no. 118 (Chios); Kokkourou-Aleura 2004, no. 5 (Kos).

44 Pugliese Carratelli 1963-1964, no. XXVI.

45 On these groups, see now Jones 1999, 249-267, and Arnaoutoglou 2003, 32-60.

46 According to Arnaoutoglou (2003, 32), orgeones of heroes may have existed as early as the late sixth century, before the appearance of orgeones of gods and goddesses in the late fifth century.

47 IG, II2, 2355. Non-citizens could also participate in orgeones, especially in those devoted to the cult of minor deities and concentrated around Peiraieus.

48 Arnaoutoglou 2003, 96-98, who challenges earlier views that proof of citizenship was also required, at least in the case of orgeones of foreign deities.

49 On the Attic thiasoi see Lambert 1998, 77-92.

50 Thanks to two early poetic fragments we understand that a particular function of members of the Spartan syssitia was called thiasos: Arnaoutoglou 2003, 61-62.

51 Arnaoutoglou 2003, 61-64. The second half of the fourth century marks the appearance of one more cult group, namely the eranistai, who organized communal dinners: see Arnaoutoglou 2003, 70-87.

52 Arnaoutoglou 2003, 98-99.

53 The Athenian hetaireiai were private societies of upper-class males devoted to purely social activity among themselves and usually holding their meetings in private houses: see Jones 1999, 224.

54 Meiggs Lewis 1988, no. 5, lines 15-16: καὶ καταστᾶμεν ἐς φυλὰν καὶ πάτραν ἐς θε | ἐννῆα ἑταιρήας.

55 As argued by Chamoux 1953, 214.

56 FGrHist 458, F2.

57 Willetts 1955, 22-23.

58 FGrHist 458, F2: Οἱ δὲ Λύττιοι συνάγουσι μὲν τὰ κοινὰ συσσίτια οὕτως, ἔκαστος τῶν γινομένων καρπῶν ἀναφέρει τὴν δεκάτην εἰς τὴν ἑτάιρίαν καὶ τὰς πόλεως προσόδους ἃς διανέμουσιν οἱ προεστηκότες τῆς πόλεως ἰς οὺς ἑκαστων οἴκους.

59 Xen, Rep. Laced., 5; Plut., Vit. Lyc., 10-12.

60 Plut., Vit. Lyc., 12,1-2: the food comprised specific quantities of barley, wine, cheese and figs.

61 Demetrios of Skepsis, ap. Athen., 4, 141e. This arrangement probably had its roots in the military organization of the state: see Chrimes 1949, 392-393.

62 There is evidence for Sparta intervening in Sikyonian internal affairs to appoint an oligarchic government favorable to her: see Lolos forthcoming. On this phase of Sikyonian history, see also Griffin 1982, 60-66.

63 Some scholars have doubted the accuracy of the information, and the motives behind these reforms as offered by Herodotos, but as rightly argued by Jones (1987, 104-106), the lack of parallels in an overall very fragmentary record is not enough to discredit the ancient source.

64 Bekker, Anecd. Gr. II, 790, 32: στοῖχος παρὰ τοῖς παλαιοῖς ὁ ἀριθμός. Τοιγαροῦν οἱ Σικυώνιοι κατὰ φυλὰς ἑαυτοὺς τάξαντες καὶ ἀριθμήσαντες Διòς Στοιχαδέως ἱερòν ἰδρύσαντο.

65 With regard to Thera, Hiller von Gaertringen (1899, 144-146; 1904, 62) points out the similarities between this city and Sikyon; in both places the traditional Doric tribes were most likely called sto) icoi.

66 Peek 1941, 206.

67 Pugliese Carratelli 1963-1964, no. XXVI, l. 47-48: ἐπεί κα μέλλωντι κλείνεσθαι.

Table des illustrations

Légende Fig. 1. The tablet (EAM: X 16355).
URL http://books.openedition.org/ausonius/docannexe/image/2231/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 321k
Légende Fig. 2. The tablet with the incised guidelines indicated in white color.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ausonius/docannexe/image/2231/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 328k
Légende Fig. 3. Map of the area.
URL http://books.openedition.org/ausonius/docannexe/image/2231/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 234k
Légende Fig. 4. The hill of Thekriza (Tzami) from the south.
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Fichier image/jpeg, 175k

Auteur

Department of History, Archaeology and Social Anthropology, University of Thessaly, Volos, Greece

© Ausonius Éditions, 2010

Conditions d’utilisation : http://www.openedition.org/6540