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Les seigneuries dans l’espace Plantagenêt

 | 
Martin Aurell
, 
Frédéric Boutoulle

Angleterre et Irlande

Defining Lordships in Angevin Ireland: William Marshal and the king’s justiciar

Marie Thérèse Flanagan

Texte intégral

  • 1 Crouch 2002, 89.

1Ireland, over which Henry II exerted a form of regnal lordship in 1171, was the most westerly limit of the Angevin dominions and it has remained something of a historiographical frontier within the espace Plantagenêt. This paper focuses on contested rights of lordship, as evidenced by a dispute between William Marshal as lord of Leinster and Meiler fitz Henry, the king’s justiciar in Ireland. The dispute, which climaxed in 1207–8, generated wide-scale warfare and resulted in the justiciar’s removal from office. In his excellent biography of William Marshal, David Crouch suggests that the conflict affords an example of an incoming successor lord encountering hostility from long-established tenants of a previous lord, from “old colonials” as Crouch described them1. While in no way gainsaying that successor lords may have faced disaffection from established tenants, an alternative reading of the Marshal’s dispute with Meiler fitz Henry is offered here. The dissension between the two only becomes visible in the History of William Marshal when the Marshal crossed to his Irish lordship in 1207 and reliance on its account has obscured the fact that its origins predated the Marshal’s arrival in Ireland and extended beyond Leinster. The dispute is relevant to the theme of lordship; arguably more important, however, than the circumstance of an intruding successor lord was a conflict between seignorial lordship and regnal lordship, that is, the prerogatives which King John as dominus Hiberniae was attempting to define in the Angevin lordship of Ireland (fig. 1).

  • 2 Mullally ed. 2002, ll. 3082-3083. The post-Invasion cantred equated with the pre-Invasion territor (...)
  • 3 Flanagan 1988, 233-235.
  • 4 Giraldus Cambrensis ed. Scott & Martin 1978, 194-195.
  • 5 Roger of Howden ed. Stubbs 1867, I, 164; id., 1868-1871, II, 134.
  • 6 Mullally ed. 2002.
  • 7 Giraldus Cambrensis ed. Scott & Martin 1978, 194-195. The History claimed that Meiler had never ma (...)
  • 8 Hennessy & McCarthy eds. 1893, 202-203, Ó hInnse ed. 1947, 72-73. In 1187 the castle was demolishe (...)

2In order to appreciate the Irish context, it is necessary first to consider briefly the career of the king’s justiciar, Meiler fitz Henry. Meiler was one of the earliest adventurers to go to Ireland in 1169 and received his first landholdings in the lordship of Leinster from Richard fitz Gilbert, otherwise known as Strongbow, who granted Meiler the cantreds of Cairpre2 and Conall3, the latter being one of three cantreds that comprised the pre-Invasion kingdom of Uí Fáeláin in north Leinster. Following Strongbow’s premature death in April 1176, and the ensuing minority, Henry II dispatched the curial servant, William fitz Aldelin, to Ireland to administer Strongbow’s lordship. Fitz Aldelin’s chief concern according to Meiler’s kinsman, Giraldus Cambrensis, was to harass Meiler and his Geraldine relatives. Nor was Fitz Aldelin the only royal official to do so: in 1181 two other administrators, John the Constable and Richard del Pec, exchanged Meiler’s custody of the castle of Kildare for the territory of Loígis4. Kildare, which had been retained by Strongbow in demesne, was located within Meiler’s cantred of Conall. Giraldus in his Expugnatio Hibernica often blurred the distinction between custodial and hereditary grant, especially in relation to his family members. Since it was an exchange for the castle of Kildare, it is likely that Meiler at first received no more than custody of Loígis. At the council of Oxford in 1177 Geoffrey de Costentin, was described as holding Loígis5. Geoffrey does not occur as a witness to any of Strongbow’s charters, nor is he listed as a Leinster feoffee in the Song of Dermot and the Earl, a text recently re-titled The Deeds of the Normans in Ireland.6 De Costentin would appear to have been installed in Loígis by royal administrators during the minority of Strongbow’s heir. About 1182 Hugh de Lacy, lord of Meath, who was at that time acting as Henry II’s principal agent in Ireland, built a castle, as Giraldus expressed it, “for Meiler” at Timahoe in Loígis. That the castle was built by Hugh supports the view that Loígis had been assigned in custody to Meiler. Around the same time, Hugh gave Meiler his niece in marriage7, together with the cantred of Ardnurcher in the lordship of Meath. Meiler thereby became a tenant of both the lord of Meath and the lord of Leinster. The building of a castle at Killare in Meiler’s cantred of Ardnurcher by Hugh de Lacy is recorded in 11848.

3There are major difficulties in reconstructing events between 1185 and 1199 because, when King Henry II’s son, John, assumed the lordship of Ireland in 1185, Ireland dropped out of the purview of the royal administration and became the responsibility of John’s personal household, while Giraldus’s narrative ceased around 1189. On John’s accession as king of England on 27 May 1199, there is a sudden dramatic expansion in documentary evidence since the Angevin lordship of Ireland thereafter fell within the remit of the royal administration.

  • 9 Hardy ed. 1835b, 74, Hardy ed. 1837, 98b, Sweetman ed. 1875 no 90, 133. The king reserved ad opus (...)
  • 10 Flanagan 2000, 378-380.
  • 11 Giraldus Cambrensis ed. Scott & Martin 1978, 178.
  • 12 Hardy ed. 1837, 77b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 124. “The land of Uamurierdac” in the charter equates w (...)

4Meiler fitz Henry first occurs as justiciar on 4 September 1199 and was confirmed in that office in late October 12009. Writing his Expugnatio Hibernica around 1189, Giraldus had complained that the valuable experience of his kinsmen, the earliest colonists in Ireland, had been overlooked by the crown; and indeed, Meiler had not been especially close to John during his stay in Ireland in 1185, notwithstanding that, as a grandson of Henry I and his mistress, Nest, Meiler was John’s cousin. Of 21 charters issued by John in Ireland in 1185, three were witnessed by Meiler, with fourth place being the highest that he achieved in the sequence of attestors10. With Meiler’s appointment as justiciar in 1199, one of Giraldus’s relatives had at last been drafted into royal service. Since Giraldus ended his narrative in 1189, he provided no coverage of Meiler’s justiciarship. The b recension of the Expugnatio none the less attests to Giraldus’s continuing interest in Meiler’s career, describing him as responsible for the third capture of the city of Limerick after it had been fraudulently destroyed by the previous justiciar, Hamo de Valognes11. Not only was Meiler appointed justiciar but on 28 October 1200 he received a substantial grant from King John of the cantreds of Trícha Cét an Aicme and Uí Ferba in Ciarraige, as well as the cantred of Eóganachta Locha Léin in south west Munster to be held for service of fifteen knights12. That grant elevated Meiler to the status of a tenant-in-chief, even if it was a speculative grant that had yet to be rendered effective by conquest.

  • 13 Holden & Crouch 2002-2006, bII, ll. 13430-13431.
  • 14 Hardy ed. 1837, 79b, Sweetman 1875, no 137, Curtis ed. 1932-1943, II, 326. Geoffrey was to hold si (...)

5Undoubtedly, relations between William Marshal and Meiler fitz Henry came under strain from the fact that Meiler was at one and the same time the Marshal’s tenant and the king’s justiciar, a juxtaposition recognized by the author of the History of William Marshal when he declared “Meiler, a liegeman of the Marshal, was royal justiciar in Ireland”13. That potential conflict of interest was exacerbated by King John. On 6 November 1200, in a charter granting a cantred in Connacht to Geoffrey de Costentin, the king stated that the grant had been made in exchange for the land of Loígis and Uí Chremthennáin “which we have given (dedimus) to Meiler fitz Henry”14. Loígis was part of the lordship of Leinster. Since John’s charter giving Loígis to Meiler fitz Henry does not survive, the holding clause is lost, but dedimus suggests an intrusion on the Marshal’s lordship.

  • 15 Holden & Crouch 2002-2006, I, ll. 9581-9618. In a confirmation to Jerpoint Abbey (co. Kilkenny) Jo (...)

6It would not have been the first time that grants by King John had encroached on William Marshal’s lordship in Leinster, acquired in 1189 through his marriage to Isabella, heiress of Strongbow. On the evidence of the History of William Marshal, John, as lord of Ireland, had made a series of grants in Leinster to his own men during the minority of Strongbow’s heirs. The Marshal sought King Richard’s intervention to secure seisin of Leinster. King Richard is depicted saying to John: “What could he [the Marshal] possibly have left, since you have given and surrendered all his land to your men”15? In consequence of Richard’s intervention, only one of John’s feoffees, Theobald Walter, was allowed to retain his Leinster landholdings with the proviso that they be held thereafter of the Marshal.

  • 16 Hardy ed. 1835b, 36, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 101. Around the same time Gerald fitz Maurice received (...)
  • 17 Mullally ed. 2002, ll. 3103-3104, Orpen 1914, 99-113.
  • 18 A charter of King John to William de Burgh on 6 September 1199 referred to a prior grant the king (...)

7From an entry on the oblata roll of 1199, shedding a retrospective shaft of light on the period before John’s accession as king, it emerges that two brothers, Reginald and William Boterell, had received a charter from John as lord of Ireland and count of Mortain (therefore between 1189-1199), for Geashill and Lea in Uí Failge16. John’s grant was made in diminution of the rights of both Gerald fitz Maurice who had succeeded by way of his marriage to Eva, heir of Robert de Bermingham, who had been granted Uí Failge by Strongbow17, and of the Marshal as lord of Leinster. The Boterells’charter was subsequently acquired by Maurice fitz Philip who in 1199 offered 400 marks to have judgment in the king’s court concerning Geashill and Lea which he claimed Gerald fitz Maurice was forcibly withholding from him18. In 1199, therefore, there is evidence for conflicting land-grants in Uí Failge, a situation that had been created by King John during 1189-1199.

  • 19 Holden & Crouch 2002-2006, II, ll. 10298-10304. Cf. Landon 1935, 86 who dates the homage to around (...)
  • 20 Mills & McEnery eds. 1916, 177-178. John’s charter of restoration (the occurrence of the title cou (...)
  • 21 Calendar of patent rolls, 1388-1392, 300, Mac Niocaill 1961, 38-39.
  • 22 Flanagan 2000, 369-370.

8Walter de Lacy, heir of Hugh de Lacy (d. 1186), lord of Meath, during King Richard’s brief exercise of regnal lordship in Ireland in 1194 did homage to Richard for his Irish lands, an event that is recounted in the History of William Marshal19, and secured a royal confirmation20. There is no narrative source comparable with the History of William Marshal that describes encroachments by John on the lordship of Meath. There is charter evidence, however, that John had made grants which infringed on Walter de Lacy’s lordship of Meath. A charter from John on 13 May 1192 confirmed the vill of Durrow de proprio meo dono to the church of Kells21. Durrow was not John’s to grant de proprio dono suo since it had been retained as demesne by the first lord of Meath, Hugh de Lacy. Indeed, it was while inspecting the building of a castle at Durrow that Hugh de Lacy was killed by an Irishman in 118622. Recourse by both William Marshal and Walter de Lacy to King Richard to secure their Irish lordships foreshadows their subsequent joint action against John’s justiciar, Meiler fitz Henry, during 1207-1208.

  • 23 Original charter (not enrolled on the charter rolls): Curtis ed. 1932-1943, I, no 29.
  • 24 Id. no 1, 37.
  • 25 Hardy ed. 1835a, 7a. The dispute was still ongoing in 1207. On 21 February the king wrote to Meile (...)
  • 26 Below, n. 68.

9Returning to Meiler fitz Henry’s position as a tenant of the Marshal in Leinster, evidence emerges in 1202 for a dispute between Meiler and Adam de Hereford. On 1 March 1202 King John confirmed to Adam de Hereford lands that had already been confirmed to him by William Marshal23, in turn corroborating a grant that Adam had received from Strongbow24. On 8 March 1202 the king informed Meiler that he was to maintain and protect the lands of Adam de Hereford in Uí Fáeláin and in the cantred of Aghaboe in Osraige, saving the right of Meiler fitz Henry, “if he had any in that land”, and that peace was to be maintained until the plaint between them was heard before the king25. Here was a dispute between two “old colonials” who had been enfeoffed in Leinster by Strongbow: Adam de Hereford had a charter from Strongbow (d. 1176) granting him the half-cantred of Aghaboe, but neither Strongbow’s extant charters, nor The Deeds of the Normans in Ireland, nor Giraldus, afford evidence for a grant to Meiler in Aghaboe. It appears that Meiler was using his position as justiciar to encroach on Adam de Hereford’s holdings and that Adam felt obliged to seek confirmation from William Marshal as his immediate lord as well as from King John. The sole surviving pipe roll from the Irish exchequer for King John’s reign, that of 1211-1212, reveals that Meiler had indeed acquired a pars of the cantred of Aghaboe26.

  • 27 Hardy ed. 1835a, 38a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 195.
  • 28 Hardy ed. 1835a, 40b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 211.
  • 29 Hardy ed. 1835a, 40b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 212.
  • 30 Hardy ed. 1835a, 42a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 216.

10Difficulties relating to Uí Failge, already evident in 1199, were to escalate in 1204. On 15 January 1204, following the death of Gerald fitz Maurice and the ensuing minority of Gerald’s heir, the king issued a letter patent to Meiler that it was his will that his beloved and faithful William Marshal should have wardship of the heir of Gerald fitz Maurice, together with the castles and lands that Gerald held on the day of his death since they were de feodo ipsius comitis27; specifically, Meiler was to release to the earl, or his representative, the castles of Geashill and Lea. These were the very places that had been granted by John while count of Mortain to the Boterell brothers and which in 1199 were the subject of dispute between Gerald fitz Maurice and Maurice fitz Philip. Around April 1204, the king addressed a further letter to Meiler instructing him that William Marshal was not to be impeded in the enjoyment of his (unspecified) liberties and free customs, in accordance with the charter that the Marshal had from the king, a charter that is no longer extant28. At the same time, Michael of London, clerk of William Marshal, was issued with letters of protection addressed to all the bailiffs of Ireland29. On 9 May 1204 the king instructed Meiler to receive John Marshal as seneschal of his uncle’s lands and castles in Leinster, while faithfully and firmly guarding the king’s rights and those of the earl30. The timing of his nephew’s dispatch indicates that the Marshal now deemed it expedient to attend more closely to affairs in Leinster.

  • 31 Holden & Crouch eds. 2002-2006, III, 152, n. 13443.
  • 32 On 5 July 1215 Maurice fitz Gerald made a fine of 60 marks to have the lands in Ireland that belon (...)

11Notwithstanding instructions from the king, Meiler took Uí Failge into his own hands using his office as justiciar to argue that, in so doing, he had acted by royal writ, possibly one that he had issued himself in the name of the king. Just why Meiler was anxious to secure control of Uí Failge can be appreciated by considering its location. It has, for example, been assumed that Uí Failge was part of Uí Fáeláin31. Uí Failge, however, was a separate fee, as determined by the pre-Invasion polity. Meiler held the cantred of Conall in Uí Fáeláin, while he was a subtenant in Uí Failge for Kilpool and Killoughter. Not only that, but Uí Failge marched with the fee of Loígis which had been “given” by King John to Meiler in November 1200. Crucially, Uí Failge provided a bridge to Meiler’s cantred of Cenél Fiachach—otherwise termed Ardnurcher from its caput—in the lordship of Meath. Gerald fitz Maurice’s heir did not come of age until 1215, indicating that he was a very young age in 1204 when his father died32. At the very least, for the duration of the minority in Uí Failge, Meiler was attempting to control a block of lands that would span his holdings in Leinster and Meath. Gerald fitz Maurice was Meiler’s cousin, and both for family and strategic reasons and, because he himself held lands as a tenant in Uí Failge, Meiler was reluctant to concede control of the minority to William Marshal.

  • 33 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 68a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 292.
  • 34 Hardy ed. 1835a, 6b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 296. There was a saving clause, salvo nobis inde jure n (...)
  • 35 Brand 1981, 99.

12The Marshal evidently had concerns about a minority in another Leinster fee, that of Theobald Walter, who died in 1205. On 4 April 1206 the king instructed Meiler to allow William Marshal’s bailiff to take charge, along with the king’s bailiffs, of the land that Theobald held in fee from William Marshal, so that nothing was to be removed from the land until the king gave further instructions about it33. On 25 May 1206, the king addressed a further letter to Meiler informing him that he had conceded to his beloved William Marshal the land that Theobald Walter held de feodo ipsius comitis34. Theobald held of the Marshal in Leinster in virtue of a grant made to him by John as lord of Ireland between 1189 and 1194 that had encroached on the Marshal’s rights as lord of Leinster, but Theobald also held lands of the king in Munster. The king’s right of prerogative wardship generally allowed him wardship of all lands of a tenant-in-chief who was under age, that is, not merely those lands which were held of the king, but also those held of other lords35. Such matters, however, were still in the process of being worked out in Angevin Ireland. Clearly, William Marshal had petitioned the king to secure wardship of Theobald’s holdings in Leinster, notwithstanding that Theobald held as a tenant-in-chief elsewhere.

  • 36 Holden & Crouch eds. 2002-2006, II, ll. 13311-13320.
  • 37 Hardy ed. 1835a, 69a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 313. He set forth in Lent according to the History (Ho (...)
  • 38 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 81a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 325. A letter of safe-conduct was issued to Walter (...)
  • 39 Hardy ed. 1835a, 71a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 328.

13In early 1207 the Marshal determined to go to Ireland in person, having according to the History sought the king’s permission on a number of previous occasions36, and on 19 February, he received the king’s consent37. Once arrived in Leinster, dissension with Meiler fitz Henry was to emerge that still related to Uí Failge. Not unnaturally, the History focused on relations between the Marshal and Meiler, but obscured by the History is that the Marshal was not the only baron in conflict with the justiciar. Walter de Lacy also fell foul of Meiler. On 14 April 1207 the king instructed his justiciar that if Walter de Lacy was prepared to come to the royal court to stand trial Meiler was to permit him to travel and not to confiscate his land or property in his absence. More ominously, Meiler was to send people by whom the king would be able to prove more plainly the injuries and trespasses that Walter had committed against the king38. There was also dissension in south Munster. On 23 May 1207 King John instructed the justiciar to apprehend the disturbers of the peace in Desmond, to send their persons to the king, and to seize their chattels and goods and to allocate the holdings of disloyal men to faithful subjects: “Furthermore, the grants that you have made in Desmond in a place and manner to our advantage, we grant them as permanent”39.

14That a number of barons were attempting concerted action against the justiciar is evidenced by a remarkable letter from King John on 26 May 1207 to the barons of Leinster and Meath informing them that he was astonished by the petition that they had sent him from which it appeared that they were preparing to create a new assize in his land without his permission and it was unheard of in his time, or that of his predecessors, that a new assize should be established in any land without the consent of the ruler of that land:

  • 40 Hardy ed. 1835a, 72a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 329. On 2 November 1204 the justiciar was authorized t (...)

“For what you request is unjust and until now unprecedented, that is, that our justiciar of Ireland should restore anything to anyone without our command which has been taken into our hand by our command. So we order you to desist from the demand which you have made on our justiciar concerning Uí Failge. For we are unwilling that he should answer, without our authorization, to anyone concerning this or any other holding that has been taken into our hand by our command. You have informed us besides that you will not fail your lord but rather seek his right; know that with the help of God we will seek our right pro loco et tempore40.

15This reveals that Meiler’s action in taking Uí Failge into his own hand in the name of the king had provoked a collaborative response from the barons of Leinster and Meath.

  • 41 Holden & Crouch eds. 2002-2006, II, ll. 13437-13446.
  • 42 Id. l. 13553.
  • 43 Id. ll. 13561-13573.

16Meiler contrived the Marshal’s recall from Ireland in September 1207 on the justification, according to the History, that “the king’s own share of power would be worth nothing” if the Marshal stayed in Ireland41. Complying with the royal summons, the Marshal returned to England around 29 September 120742. In his absence, Meiler’s men, described as his “cousins and other relatives”, attacked the Marshal’s demesne manor at New Ross setting fire to his barns, killing twenty of his men, and taking large quantities of booty: E commenca parmi la terre li troublemenz e la grant guerre43.

  • 44 Id. ll. 13783-13786.
  • 45 Murphy ed. 1896, 221-222, Hennessy ed. 1871, 236-237, O’Donovan ed. 1845-1851, III, 156-157. In He (...)
  • 46 O’Donovan ed. 1845-1851 III, 154-155.

17On the evidence of the Irish annals, a grant guerre was indeed waged against the justiciar in Leinster, Meath, and Munster during 1207-1208. The History claims that the “damage which Meiler sought to do to the earl’s lands was done to him by the earl’s men, for they devastated his own property”44. There are no surviving annals from Leinster, but the annals of Clonmacnoise, which are informative about events in the midlands, record that in late 1207 Meiler’s castle at Ardnurcher was besieged for five weeks and eventually captured by the men of Walter de Lacy and his brother, Hugh, earl of Ulster45. These annals confirm the account in the History that Jordan de Sauqeville, to whom the Marshal had committed the guarding of the northern half of his Leinster lordship, had sought aid from the earl of Ulster and that the latter had responded with a substantial force. In consequence of the siege, the Clonmacnoise annalist stated that Meiler was forced to abandon the cantred of Cenél Fiachach, that is, of Ardnurcher. The Annals of the Four Masters claim that Meiler was deprived not only of Ardnurcher but also Fir Cell46. If Fir Cell was not encompassed within the cantred of Cenél Fiachach, as the annal entry indeed suggests that it was not, then Meiler may also have been attempting to expand his landholding in Meath at the expense of his lord, Walter de Lacy.

  • 47 Id.
  • 48 Hennessy ed. 1871, 238-239.
  • 49 Gilbert ed. 1884, II, 311.

18According to the Annals of the Four Masters, during 1207 “a great war broke out between the English of Leinster, that is, between Meiler, Geoffrey de Marisco, and William Marshal, and Leinster and Munster suffered severely from them. Another great war broke between Hugh de Lacy and Meiler, and the result was that nearly all Meiler’s people were ruined”47. Unfortunately, there are lacunae for 1207-1208 in the extant Munster annals, so that it is not possible to follow the course of the war there in detail. Under 1208 the Connacht-based Annals of Loch Cé record “a great war between the Foreigners of Ireland this year, that is, between the sons of Hugh de Lacy, and Meiler, and Geoffrey de Marisco”48. There is no mention here of the Marshal or Leinster. The Latin annals, variously termed Pembridge’s annals or the Laud annals, which focus on events relating to the colonists, record under 1208 “a great massacre at Thurles in Munster on the men of the justiciar, by Geoffrey de Marisco”49. This notice in the principal annals of the settler community indicates the overriding importance from its perspective of the warfare in Munster.

  • 50 Hardy ed. 1835a, 77a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 351.
  • 51 Hardy ed. 1837, 172-173, Hardy ed. 1835a, 76b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 339-350, 352-356. Five charte (...)
  • 52 Davies & Quinn éd. 1944, 68-74.

19Unfortunately, English documentary sources afford few details about the war in Munster that culminated in the strages magna of Meiler’s men at Thurles. On 13 November 1207 Meiler fitz Henry was instructed by the king to try Geoffrey de Marisco and others, who had been accused of arson, robbery, homicide, and other offences pertaining to the crown secundum judiciium comitatus Dublinie50. De Marisco had been summoned to appear before the king within fifteen days from 29 September, the date around which, according to the History, the Marshal had crossed to England. Unlike the Marshal, neither de Marisco, nor representatives on his behalf, had gone to the king; he was therefore deemed to be in default and to be brought before the court of Dublin. The instructions for de Marisco’s trial was issued on 13 November, the same day on which an extensive series of Irish charters were issued by King John, six of which related to grants or confirmations in Munster51. No further details of de Marisco’s trial are known; at this point the gaps in the chancery rolls, the lost close roll for 1208 and the missing close, patent and charter rolls for 1209-1211 constitute a major loss. However, the positive outcome for Geoffrey de Marisco may be gauged from the fact that by 1211 he was accounting as sheriff of Munster, and indeed by 1215 was serving as chief justiciar in Ireland52.

  • 53 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 105a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 375.
  • 54 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 106b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 376.
  • 55 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 106b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 377. Cf. Hardy ed. 1835b, 403, where Meiler was i (...)
  • 56 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 107a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 379.
  • 57 Hardy ed. 1835a, 80b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 378. Around the same time, the Marshal proffered 300 m (...)
  • 58 Hardy ed. 1835a, 80b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 380.

20William Marshal’s strained relations with Meiler fitz Henry, as recounted in the History, need to be considered within the broader context of wide-scale warfare in the Angevin lordship of Ireland during 1207-1208, as noted in the Irish annals, while from a range of chancery enrolments it is evident that during 1207 both Walter and Hugh de Lacy and Geoffrey de Marisco were also implicated in opposing the justiciar. By 7 March 1208 King John had changed tack: he instructed Meiler fitz Henry to maintain peace in the land of Ireland, and, if any trespass had been committed by Meiler’s men on the lands of William Marshal, Meiler was to make amends, and he was not to wage war on the Marshal’s land or men53. On 19 March a letter in similar terms instructed Meiler not to wage war on Walter de Lacy54. On 20 March the king informed Meiler that the Marshal had complied with the king’s will and that he was sending letters of credence for Philip of Worcester, Robert of Chichester, Roland Bluet and William Petit, and Meiler was to do what they will say concerning negociis nostris55. Philip of Worcester held lands in Munster, William Petit was one of Walter de Lacy’s principal tenants in Meath, Robert of Chichester was a curial servant, and the Bluets were tenants of the Marshal. On 21 March the king sent a more strongly worded letter to Meiler notifying him that the four messengers were being sent ad videndum statum vestrum et terre nostre Hibernie56. Around the same time, he instructed the justiciar to give William Marshal seisin of the land of Uí Failge with its castles57. On 23 March a further letter informed Meiler that, at the wish and advice of William Marshal and Walter de Lacy and the other barons of Ireland attending upon the king in England, the king decreed that latrones should be expelled from his land of Ireland and that they and their harbourers should be dealt with according to the law of England58. Within the space of four days, the king had sent five sets of instruction to Meiler.

  • 59 Hardy ed. 1837, 176, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 381.
  • 60 Hardy ed. 1837, 178, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 382; cf. Mills & McEnery eds. 1916, 177-178. The king’s (...)
  • 61 John, lord of Ireland, to William fitz Maurice, 1185: exceptis placitis et querelis que ad coronam (...)
  • 62 Cf. above, n. 14.
  • 63 Hardy ed. 1837, 84b, Sweetman ed. 1875, 5 no 147.
  • 64 Brand 1981, 100. On 9 November 1207 the king had issued instructions to all in Ireland forbidding (...)

21On 28 March, the king issued a confirmation to William Marshal for his land of Leinster59. It granted to William and his heirs custodiam feodorum suorum, that is, it clarified the very issue that had occasioned dispute in relation to the minority of the heir of Gerald fitz Maurice in Uí Failge. On 24 April 1208 Walter de Lacy secured a revised charter for his lordship of Meath which likewise specified wardship of fees60. In the case of the Marshal, the king for the first time in a charter in favour of an Irish grantee specified the placita coronae to be treasure-trove, rape, forstal, and arson. Placita coronae, albeit unspecified, had been reserved in a number of charters issued by John as lord of Ireland between 1185 and 119961. John had also exempted ecclesiastical appointments and church lands in several Irish charters dating from the same period62. John’s charter to William de Briouze for the honor of Limerick in 1201 had granted omnibus libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus suis et etiam adeo libere ut alii capitales barones nostri de Hibernia liberius tenent, excepting hiis omnibus que ad coronam regiam pertinent63. From 1199 onwards, the majority of King John’s charters for Irish grantees, including the batch of sixteen Irish charters that he issued in November 1207, included a general clause reserving unspecified pleas of the crown. Newly specified in the revised 1208 charters for Leinster and Meath was the grant of custody of their fees to William Marshal and to Walter de Lacy; also claimed by the king was the right to hear allegations of delay or failure to do justice or false judgement in a lord’s court. The latter, as Paul Brand has observed, was indirectly a means of determining that there was to be no scope for the development of a separate custom or law in the Angevin lordship of Ireland, that the aim was the enforcement of legal uniformity64.

  • 65 Hardy ed. 1835a, 84b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 385.
  • 66 John de Gray was in Ireland no later than 29 November 1208 when he issued a charter at the ‘abbey (...)

22The latest writ addressed to Meiler as justiciar is dated 19 June 120865, although he may have continued to act in that capacity under supervision for some further time; the earliest certain evidence for his replacement, John de Gray, bishop of Norwich, having arrived in Ireland dates from 28 November 120866. Certain it is that the protection afforded to Meiler by royal support was draining away from March 1208 onwards. In the person of Meiler, a Geraldine had had his chance to serve in the administration of the Angevin lordship of Ireland and had signally failed.

  • 67 King John took Dunamase into his own hand during his expedition to Ireland in 1210: Holden & Crouc (...)
  • 68 Davies & Quinn eds. 1944, 16-17.
  • 69 Holden & Crouch eds. 2002-2006, II, ll. 14123-14135.
  • 70 Richardson & Sayles 1952, 286-287, Sweetman ed. 1875, no. 448.

23The sole surviving pipe roll of the Irish exchequer from the reign of King John reveals that in the accounting year 1211-1212, in the wake of the king’s expedition to Ireland in 1210, Meiler’s holdings in Leinster were in the hands of the crown, as was the castle of Dunamase, the principal stronghold in Loígis which according to the History Meiler ceded to the Marshal67. Geoffrey Lutrell, sheriff of the county of Dublin, accounted for the farm of the customary services of the Irish tenants of Dunamase; Thomas fitz Anthony, the Marshal’s seneschal, rendered accounts where the king’s writ did not run and reckoned £17.6.8d for the cantreds of Loígis, Cairpre and Conall of Meiler fitz Henry, which were in the king’s hand, and £4.6.8d de parte quam Meilerus tenuit in cantredo de Aghebo que est in manu domini regis68. Meiler, of advanced age and without a legitimate heir to succeed him, made his peace with William Marshal. According to the History the Marshal permitted him to hold his lands for the duration of his lifetime, after which they would revert to the earl69. About 1212 Meiler’s name followed immediately on that of the Marshal in the declaration of loyalty offered by the Irish barons to King John against his threatened deposition by the pope70.

  • 71 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 271a, 272a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 689, 691. The castle of Dunamase was restor (...)
  • 72 Calendar of patent rolls, 1216-1225, 9-10, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 725.

24William Marshal was to recover the service owing from Meiler’s lands. On 26 May 1216 King John commanded Geoffrey de Marisco, justiciar of Ireland, to cause the Marshal to have all his fees in the lands held by Meiler fitz Henry in Leinster71. It was confirmed on 2 December 1216 when Henry III restored to William Marshal, by then acting as regent–so the Marshal, in effect, was restoring it to himself–the service due from Meiler which King John had taken into his hand and ordered Meiler to render service to the Marshal and to be attentive to him as his lord72. The Marshal had recovered all those lands in Leinster on which John had encroached both as lord of Ireland before 1199 and as king thereafter.

  • 73 Hardy ed. 1835b, 94, 99, Hardy ed. 1837, 84b, 100b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 145-148.
  • 74 Stubbs ed. 1868-1871, IV, 152-153.

25There is no doubt that following the arrival of the Marshal in Ireland in 1207 Meiler fitz Henry succeeded in detaching a number of the Marshal’s tenants in his lordship of Leinster from the loyalty that they owed to him. Yet in considering the difficulties that William Marshal encountered in Leinster during 1207-1208, account must also be taken of the extent to which King John was responsible for generating factional conflict among the English settlers in Ireland. The grants that John as count of Mortain had made in Leinster contributed to the Marshal’s difficulties, just as, in similar fashion, King John caused full-scale warfare in north Munster in 1201 when he granted the honor of Limerick to William de Briouze73. That latter grant, speciously represented as a restoration harking back to a speculative grant that Henry II had been made to Philip de Briouze in 1177, ignored how in the interim John himself had made extensive grants in Munster. In granting the honor of Limerick to William de Briouze, John thereby demoted tenants, such as Theobald Walter and Hugh de Burgh who held in capite of him, to the status of subtenants of the incoming William de Briouze, resulting in open warfare among the settlers74.

26In encroaching on the rights of the lords of Leinster and Meath by making grants in his own name, King John must bear a large responsibility for fomenting baronial dissent in Ireland. The dispute between William Marshal and the king, acted out vicariously in the person of Meiler fitz Henry, was a conflict over rights of seignorial and regnal lordship and how those rights were to be defined in the still fluid context of the Angevin lordship of Ireland. The Marshal’s dispute with Meiler fitz Henry over Uí Failge turned on his interpretation of his seignorial rights, and specifically wardship during a minority.

  • 75 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 47b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 270. On 30 June 1205 the king issued instructions (...)
  • 76 Latham and Howlett, 726. I am indebted to Paul Brand for this suggestion and to Huw Pryce for addi (...)
  • 77 Above n. 63.

27That the rights of lordship in Angevin Ireland were still in the process of definition is evident in a writ addressed to Meiler fitz Henry in 1205 instructing him not to exact any customs in the land of William de Briouze, other than those in the land of William Marshal or Walter de Lacy, neque dovredum nisi in exercitu et gentem nostrum ire contigerit75. Dovredum is a Latinization of Welsh doffreth, the practice of billeting a Welsh ruler’s officers in the houses of his men, which was to survive as a customary exaction in the marcher lordships of south Wales76. William de Briouze was seeking to have the same liberties as were enjoyed by William Marshal and Walter de Lacy. De Briouze’s charter for the honor of Limerick in 1201 had granted him “all liberties and free customs as freely held by our other tenants in chief in Ireland”77. The uncertainty lay in determining precisely what were those liberties and free customs. Evidently in 1205 an analogy was countenanced by the royal chancery between a right of billeting that existed in the Welsh lordships and its possible existence in Ireland.

28The wider implications that can be extrapolated from the difficulties which William Marshal experienced with his tenant, Meiler fitz Henry, acting as royal justiciar, are first that it is misleading to cross the Irish sea, as does the author of the History of William Marshal, without paying close attention to the pre-existing geopolitical context. Secondly, King John’s relations with the barons of Ireland deserve more detailed treatment. A case could be argued that the baronial revolt in Ireland during 1207-1208 prefigured that which culminated in England with Magna Carta in 1215. The king had generated factional conflict among his barons in Ireland by his arbitrary dealings, especially by making conflicting grants of land. More work remains to be undertaken on the placitae coronae and seignorial lordship in Angevin Ireland–how those claims developed and how they compare and contrast with other regions within the espace Plantagenêt, but most immediately perhaps with the Welsh march, where a number of the barons of Angevin Ireland also had substantial landholdings and where contemporaries countenanced analogies, as evidenced by the reference to dovredum in 1205.

  • 78 Roger of Howden ed. Stubbs 1867-1871, IV, 30. Cf. Walther 1982, Teil 7, A–G, 111, no 34578d.

29The Marshal’s dispute with Meiler over Uí Failge went beyond a disaffected “old colonial” resenting the intrusion of a new lord, as evidenced by the wide-scale warfare noted in the Irish annals, while from a range of chancery enrolments it is apparent that both Walter and Hugh de Lacy and Geoffrey de Marisco were also implicated in opposing Meiler. Meiler’s actions as justiciar in undermining the seignorial rights of the Marshal also threatened other Irish barons, but most immediately Walter de Lacy from whom Meiler held the cantred of Ardnurcher in Meath, who, in consequence, was prepared to support the Marshal on the basis that “your own property is threatened when your neighbour’s party wall is on fire”78.

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Notes

1 Crouch 2002, 89.

2 Mullally ed. 2002, ll. 3082-3083. The post-Invasion cantred equated with the pre-Invasion territorial unit of trícha cét. See MacCotter 2005.

3 Flanagan 1988, 233-235.

4 Giraldus Cambrensis ed. Scott & Martin 1978, 194-195.

5 Roger of Howden ed. Stubbs 1867, I, 164; id., 1868-1871, II, 134.

6 Mullally ed. 2002.

7 Giraldus Cambrensis ed. Scott & Martin 1978, 194-195. The History claimed that Meiler had never married, no doubt because he had no legitimate heir who survived him: Holden & Crouch eds. 2002-2006, II, l. 14135. Meiler’s wife is mentioned in King John’s confirmation to Meiler’s foundation of Greatconnell Abbey: Hardy ed. 1837, 157b; Sweetman ed. 1875, no 273.

8 Hennessy & McCarthy eds. 1893, 202-203, Ó hInnse ed. 1947, 72-73. In 1187 the castle was demolished by Irish attackers: O’Donovan ed. 1845-1851, III, 78-79; cf. Murphy ed. 1896, 222. The construction of a castle at Ardnurcher is recorded in 1192: Hennessy ed. 1871, 186-187, O’Donovan ed. 1845-1851 III, 92-93.

9 Hardy ed. 1835b, 74, Hardy ed. 1837, 98b, Sweetman ed. 1875 no 90, 133. The king reserved ad opus nostrum omnia placita Hibernie spectantia ad coronam nostram et monetam et cambium.

10 Flanagan 2000, 378-380.

11 Giraldus Cambrensis ed. Scott & Martin 1978, 178.

12 Hardy ed. 1837, 77b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 124. “The land of Uamurierdac” in the charter equates with that of Ua Muirchertaig, king of Eóganachta Locha Léin. Cf. Mac Airt 1952, 326-327, 1200.2, concerning the capture of Muirchertach Ua Muirchertaig, king of Eóganachta Locha Léin.

13 Holden & Crouch 2002-2006, bII, ll. 13430-13431.

14 Hardy ed. 1837, 79b, Sweetman 1875, no 137, Curtis ed. 1932-1943, II, 326. Geoffrey was to hold sicut alii barones Hybernie tenent salvis nobis omnibus que ad regiam coronam pertinent tam placitis quam aliis et dignitate baculorum episcopalium et pastoralium. Uí Cremthennáin was a sub-kingship within Loígis in the pre-Invasion period. On 3 November 1201 letters of credence and protection were issued to Geoffrey de Costentin on the king’s service in Ireland: Hardy ed. 1835 a, 26, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 157-158. On 22 December 1201, when Meiler fitz Henry was summoned to England, the affairs of Ireland were committed to Humphrey of Tickhill and Geoffrey de Costentin: Hardy ed. 1835a, 4a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 160.

15 Holden & Crouch 2002-2006, I, ll. 9581-9618. In a confirmation to Jerpoint Abbey (co. Kilkenny) John, lord of Ireland and count of Mortain (1189-1199), confirmed grants made by hominibus de lingua mea in Hibernia, named as Manasser Arsic, Richard fitz Fulco, John fitz Robert and John de Lenhal: Dugdale ed. 1817-1831, VI/2, 1131. These may have been among the men enfeoffed by John.

16 Hardy ed. 1835b, 36, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 101. Around the same time Gerald fitz Maurice received letters of protection for his lands, chattels, revenues and men and that he should not be impleaded concerning any tenement that he justly held except before the king or his chief justiciar: Hardy ed. 1837, 25a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 102. Reginald Boterell had accompanied John to Ireland in 1185: Flanagan 2002, 379. On 30 October 1207 William Boterell was ordered to ensure that two goshawks from Ireland were given to Ingram de Préaux: Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 95b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 337.

17 Mullally ed. 2002, ll. 3103-3104, Orpen 1914, 99-113.

18 A charter of King John to William de Burgh on 6 September 1199 referred to a prior grant the king had made to Maurice fitz Philip in the cantred of Fontimel (the pre-Invasion trícha cét of Fonn Timchell) in the kingdom of Limerick (that is Thomond or north Munster): Hardy ed. 1837, 196, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 95. On 27 October 1203 the king informed Meiler fitz Henry that he had received 400 marks of silver and 200 ounces of gold from the revenue of Ireland through the hands of Maurice fitz Philip and William, the clerk: Hardy 1844, 70, Sweetman 1875, no 188. On 8 November 1207 the king confirmed to Maurice fitz Philip and his brothers, Henry, Eneas and Audeon, the cantred in quo Dunlehethe was situated: Hardy ed. 1837, 172b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 344. These references testify to Maurice fitz Philip’s close association with King John.

19 Holden & Crouch 2002-2006, II, ll. 10298-10304. Cf. Landon 1935, 86 who dates the homage to around 29 March 1194, relying on Roger of Howden’s chronology of events.

20 Mills & McEnery eds. 1916, 177-178. John’s charter of restoration (the occurrence of the title count of Mortain suggests a date after 20 May 1195: Landon 1935, 102) stated Sciatis me reddidisse et concessisse et hac presenti carta mea confirmasse Waltero de Lacy et heredibus suis pro homagio et servicio suo totam terram Midie cum omnibus pertinenciis suis sicuti Hugo de Lacy pater ejus tenuit eam anno et die quo obiit et preterea omnia jura sua que in Hibernia habere debet: Mills & McEnery eds. 1916, 178.

21 Calendar of patent rolls, 1388-1392, 300, Mac Niocaill 1961, 38-39.

22 Flanagan 2000, 369-370.

23 Original charter (not enrolled on the charter rolls): Curtis ed. 1932-1943, I, no 29.

24 Id. no 1, 37.

25 Hardy ed. 1835a, 7a. The dispute was still ongoing in 1207. On 21 February the king wrote to Meiler that, of five carucates which the king had instructed Meiler to allocate to Adam, only three and a half had been assigned to him, but Adam had informed the king that he would consider himself appeased if it was made up to four carucates; therefore, Meiler was charged with assigning a half cantred in “Femessid” to Adam: Hardy ed. 1833-1844,78b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 317.

26 Below, n. 68.

27 Hardy ed. 1835a, 38a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 195.

28 Hardy ed. 1835a, 40b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 211.

29 Hardy ed. 1835a, 40b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 212.

30 Hardy ed. 1835a, 42a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 216.

31 Holden & Crouch eds. 2002-2006, III, 152, n. 13443.

32 On 5 July 1215 Maurice fitz Gerald made a fine of 60 marks to have the lands in Ireland that belonged to his father: Hardy ed. 1835a, 147a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 598. Cf. Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 276a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 702.

33 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 68a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 292.

34 Hardy ed. 1835a, 6b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 296. There was a saving clause, salvo nobis inde jure nostro et salvis denarios quos accomodastis super terram illam sicut rationabiliter monstrare poteritis quod eos super terram illam accommodastis et quem reddi debeant.

35 Brand 1981, 99.

36 Holden & Crouch eds. 2002-2006, II, ll. 13311-13320.

37 Hardy ed. 1835a, 69a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 313. He set forth in Lent according to the History (Holden & Crouch eds. 2002-2006, II, l. 13350).

38 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 81a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 325. A letter of safe-conduct was issued to Walter on 19 April so that he could travel to England to stand trial: Hardy ed. 1835a, 70b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 324.

39 Hardy ed. 1835a, 71a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 328.

40 Hardy ed. 1835a, 72a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 329. On 2 November 1204 the justiciar was authorized to issue for use in Ireland a writ of right for a half knight’s fee or less, a writ of mort d’ancestor for the same amount, a writ of novel disseisin, a writ de fugitivis et natives, and a writ of boundaries between two vills, exceptis baronis: Hardy ed. 1835a, 47b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 236. On 11 February 1204 the king’s first coronation had already been set as the time limitation on writs of novel disseisin: Hardy ed. 1844, 105-106, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 203.

41 Holden & Crouch eds. 2002-2006, II, ll. 13437-13446.

42 Id. l. 13553.

43 Id. ll. 13561-13573.

44 Id. ll. 13783-13786.

45 Murphy ed. 1896, 221-222, Hennessy ed. 1871, 236-237, O’Donovan ed. 1845-1851, III, 156-157. In Hennessy ed. 1871 and O’Donovan ed. 1845-1851 it is the final entry for 1207, suggesting that the siege occurred towards the end of the year.

46 O’Donovan ed. 1845-1851 III, 154-155.

47 Id.

48 Hennessy ed. 1871, 238-239.

49 Gilbert ed. 1884, II, 311.

50 Hardy ed. 1835a, 77a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 351.

51 Hardy ed. 1837, 172-173, Hardy ed. 1835a, 76b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 339-350, 352-356. Five charters related to the royal demesne of Dublin and two to grants in Connacht.

52 Davies & Quinn éd. 1944, 68-74.

53 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 105a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 375.

54 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 106b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 376.

55 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 106b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 377. Cf. Hardy ed. 1835b, 403, where Meiler was instructed through Master Robert of Chichester to collect a fine from Hugh Hose in Ireland.

56 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 107a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 379.

57 Hardy ed. 1835a, 80b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 378. Around the same time, the Marshal proffered 300 marks to have seisin of Uí Failge with its castles: Hardy ed. 1835b, 434, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 388. The sum was still owing at Michaelmas 1212: Davies & Quinn eds. 1944, 18-19.

58 Hardy ed. 1835a, 80b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 380.

59 Hardy ed. 1837, 176, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 381.

60 Hardy ed. 1837, 178, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 382; cf. Mills & McEnery eds. 1916, 177-178. The king’s rapprochement with Walter de Lacy is evidenced also by permission on 3 June 1208 to erect a mill at Drogheda, a town that Walter had established in 1194: Hardy ed. 1835a, 48a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 384, Mac Niocaill ed. 1964, I, 172-173.

61 John, lord of Ireland, to William fitz Maurice, 1185: exceptis placitis et querelis que ad coronam regiam pertinent que ad opus meum retinui (Mills & McEnery eds. 1916, 194); to Llanthony priory, 1185-1189: curiam suam et libertates suas habeant de omnibus hominibus suis et de omnibus placitis et querelis exceptis hiis que ad regiam coronam pertinent et excepta iusticia mortis et membrorum: (Brooks ed. 1953, 81); to Walter de Riddlesford, 1185-1189: exceptis croceis et donationibus episcopatum et abbaciarum et placitis et querelis que ad coronam regiam pertinent (National Library of Ireland, MS 1, fo. 19); to Robert of St Michael, 1185-1189: retentis ad opus meum donationibus episcopatuum et abbaciarum et crocearum et placitis et querelis que ad regis coronam pertinent (Gilbert ed. 1874-1884, III, plate 2); to Hubert Walter, 1185-1189: exceptis placitis et querelis ad regiam coronam pertinentibus que ad opus meum retinui (Curtis ed. 1932-1943, I, no 863); to St Thomas’s Abbey, Dublin, 1197: nisi solum modo in hiis que ad regiam coronam pertinent… habeant et tenant curiam suam de hominibus suis et de omnibus querelis et placitis nisi que ad regiam coronam spectaverint (Chartae privilegia et immunitates, 1880, 8); to St Thomas’s Abbey, 1197: preter langabulum et placita que spectant ad regiam coronam (Calendar of charter rolls, 1257-1300, 387); to Peter Pipard, 1189-1199: exceptis placitis ad coronam pertinentibus (Curtis 1932-1943, I, no 863); to St John’s hospital, Waterford, 1189-1199: de omnibus placitis et querelis exceptis hiis que ad regiam coronam pertinent et excepta iustitia mortis et membrorum (Calendar of charter rolls, 1300-1326, 282, Chartae privilegia et immunitates, 9).

62 Cf. above, n. 14.

63 Hardy ed. 1837, 84b, Sweetman ed. 1875, 5 no 147.

64 Brand 1981, 100. On 9 November 1207 the king had issued instructions to all in Ireland forbidding them to answer to anyone or in anyone’s court concerning their freeholdings except by command of the king or his justiciar: Hardy ed. 1835a, 76b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 352.

65 Hardy ed. 1835a, 84b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 385.

66 John de Gray was in Ireland no later than 29 November 1208 when he issued a charter at the ‘abbey of Ossory’: Harper-Bill ed. 1990, no 370. He is likely to have taken up his position in the summer of 1208 since he is a constant witness to the king’s charters in England, January-July 1208, the last occasion on which he witnessed being 20 July: Hardy ed. 1837, 174-183. His latest attestation on the patent rolls is 17 July 1208: Hardy ed. 1835a, 85.

67 King John took Dunamase into his own hand during his expedition to Ireland in 1210: Holden & Crouch eds. 2002-2006, II, l. 14330; cf. ll. 14129, 14377, 14394.

68 Davies & Quinn eds. 1944, 16-17.

69 Holden & Crouch eds. 2002-2006, II, ll. 14123-14135.

70 Richardson & Sayles 1952, 286-287, Sweetman ed. 1875, no. 448.

71 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 271a, 272a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 689, 691. The castle of Dunamase was restored to the Marshal by August 1215: Hardy ed. 1835a, 153b, 154a, 161b, 180a, 184a, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 644, 647, 664, 684-685.

72 Calendar of patent rolls, 1216-1225, 9-10, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 725.

73 Hardy ed. 1835b, 94, 99, Hardy ed. 1837, 84b, 100b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 145-148.

74 Stubbs ed. 1868-1871, IV, 152-153.

75 Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 47b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 270. On 30 June 1205 the king issued instructions that war against aliqui de Marchia was to be waged in primis per servicia que nobis debentur de regno Hibernie: Hardy ed. 1833-1844, 40b, Sweetman ed. 1875, no 268.

76 Latham and Howlett, 726. I am indebted to Paul Brand for this suggestion and to Huw Pryce for additional references. On doffreth (from old Irish dámrad), see Charles-Edwards 2000, 567; id. 2002, 393-395. For its survival in Wales, see Rees 1924, 226-228.

77 Above n. 63.

78 Roger of Howden ed. Stubbs 1867-1871, IV, 30. Cf. Walther 1982, Teil 7, A–G, 111, no 34578d.

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© Ausonius Éditions, 2009

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