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Le Péloponnèse d’Épaminondas à Hadrien

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Catherine Grandjean

Première partie. Du Péloponnèse “macédonien” à la province d’Achaïe

Choosing a new name between romanisation and persistence: the evidence of latin personal names in the Peloponnese

Sophia Zoumbaki

Texte intégral

  • 1 Suet., Aug., 98.3:...lege proposita ut Romani Graeco, Graeci Romano habitu et sermone uterentur.

1During Augustus’s brief stay at his villa in Capreae, he mingled with members of the large and apparently lively community of Greeks that existed there and which maintained, among other institutions, ephebic training as part of the education of their youth. The emperor, in relaxed mood, distributed various small presents, which included the distinctive dresses of Romans and Greeks, togas and pallia, stipulating that the Romans could employ the Greek dress and language and the vice versa1.

  • 2 As well as historians, archaeologists, numismatists, philologists, linguists also approach the top (...)
  • 3 Cf. for example Str. 3.2.15: “... τελέως εἰς τὸν Ῥωμαίων μεταβέβληνται τρόπον, οὐδὲ τῆς διαλέκτου (...)
  • 4 For a summary of the debate on this topic, in the form of an introduction to Hoff & Rotroff 1997, (...)

2The manner in which Greeks and Romans regarded each other and the links between them, the extent and different facets of the so-called “Hellenisation” of the Romans and of the “Romanisation” of the Greeks have been intensively studied in recent years at an interdisciplinary level2. The notion of Romanisation is not however a modern invention. Ancient authors, such as Strabo when speaking of the Turdetanians and particularily those that live in the region of the river Baetis, had already realized the influence of the Romans on the nations that composed their enormous empire3. Yet the process of Romanisation was not a symmetrical development concerning both the West and the East in equal decree. This is obvious in the astonishment of Strabo, who underlines that the Turdetanians τελέως (completely) εἰς τὸν Ῥωμαίων μεταβέβληνται τρόπον. The definition of the concept of Romanisation is complicated and has given rise to considerable discussion among historians4.

  • 5 Cf. eg. the ephebic lists of Messene, Makres (forthcoming); cf. also Suet., Aug., 98.3 about Augus (...)
  • 6 Plin., Ep., 8.24.3.

3The present piece attempts to offer an insight into the evolution of the Romanisation of the Peloponnese, not so much on a political or military level, as in terms of the conscious or otherwise, use of Roman elements in the social life of the Greeks and the impact of such features on the outlook of the society. Leaving aside colonies, the adoption of such Roman elements as the Latin language, Roman cults and Roman architecture into social life seems to have been extremely limited in the poleis of the Peloponnese. Greek cultural and educational institutions, such as panhellenic and local games, and above all, the gymnasion, survive and indeed attract Roman participants5. The Romans had no intention of changing this cultural situation. This is indicated, for example, by the letter of Pliny to his friend Maximus, who is about to undertake the governorship of the province Achaia. He advises him to respect both the glorious past and the pride of the people and even the Greek names of the divinities6. However, all these represent deliberate choices made by the authorities of the polis or of the Roman central or provincial government. Here we intend to trace another aspect of Romanisation, the evidence of spontaneous incorporation of Roman elements into private everyday life of individual persons. For an investigation of the Romanisation of individuals, therefore, there is little point in focusing on any supposed adjustment to a set of principles determined by Roman authorities, such as legislation or administration. All these indisputably affect the outlook of a society, but were necessary choices for the political functioning of a polis or its citizens within the Roman empire.

  • 7 Cf. the bibliography of Hall [1997] 1998; Laurence & Berry 1998; Goldhill 2001; Siapkas 2003.

4This work emphazises an aspect of the Romanisation of individuals in the light of the evidence of onomastics, as a contribution to an extensive and ongoing investigation concerning Romanisation of Greece. Our research rests on the evidence of Latin names used in the Peloponnese and on analysis aimed at tracking their expansion, variety and features, as a means of comprehending the way the individuals or entire social groups perceived and presented themselves. Instead, however, of studying Roman names in the context of the already well-investigated expansion of Roman citizenship, we look at them here in terms of the expansion of Latin names as personal names. The choice of a Latin cognomen or a single proper name by a person with Greek cultural roots living in a Greek environment–who may or may not have been a Roman citizen–is significant. We thus study Roman names attested in the region as reflections of the mutual relations between Greeks and Romans. One should, however, bear in mind that the choice of a name presupposes a process easily influenced by a number of factors, such as emotion, self-interest, expectations, personal relationships, politics, fashion and the therefore choice of a Latin name does not necessarily indicate the extent of the Roman influence on the cultural identity of the Greeks. All of us, of course, are aware of the difficulties involved in discussing the complicated and abstract notion of “identity”, on which there has been lively and lengthy debate7. The matter requires a coordinated interdisciplinary study and we do not intend to discuss it here. Since our work is based on onomastic evidence, we can naturally do no more than to offer some observations, aquired during the study of onomastics, as material for some future synthesis on the cultural identity of the Peloponnese under Roman control.

  • 8 Given that there is a strikingly small number of Latin inscriptions in the Peloponnese outside Cor (...)
  • 9 Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001; Rizakis et al. 2004.
  • 10 On the population of Corinth and its Roman outlook see Spawforth 1996, 167-182: the majority of th (...)
  • 11 For the problems of this material see Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001, 41 and n. 29.

5This study analyzes primarily the epigraphical evidence of the Peloponnese, the vast majority of which is written in Greek8. It utilizes the material presented in two recently published volumes in the form of a prosopography of the bearers of Roman names in the Peloponnese9, which constitutes an ancilary tool for our gathering of the material for this research. This material includes Latin names used as cognomina in full Roman onomastic formulas of tria or duo nomina, but also nomina simplicia and signa. Thus every single Latin name is included in our study, even those that are morphologically either praenomina or gentilicia. The nature of our investigation, however, requires that a few restrictions be employed: 1. The Latin names attested in the Roman environment of Roman colonies of the Peloponnese, Corinth10, Patras and Dyme, are not included in the material studied, unless there is some good reason to believe that their bearers, did not originate from either Corinth or Patras or Dyme. 2. Names attested in stamps of terracotta lamps, vessels or tiles are not included, because of the ambiguous nature and uncertain origin of this material11.

6Westerners had various reasons from the 2nd c. B.C., if not earlier, for visiting the Peloponnese, such as war, politics, trade, business, participation in local or panhellenic contests and pilgrimage to famous sanctuaries. It was then, for the first time, that Peloponnesians had to deal with Latin names. However the adoption of Roman names by Peloponnesians–either obtaining Roman citizenship or simply choosing a Latin name–occured much later, the first attested cases being dated to the end of 1st c. B.C.

  • 12 For Roman settlers in the Peloponnese see Zoumbaki 1998-1999, 112-176.

7A glance at the indices of the two volumes Roman Peloponnese I and II mentioned above (see n. 9) is enough to confirm that there is a notable minority of Latin names used as cognomina by Peloponnesians who had acquired Roman citizenship. About 265 Latin proper names are attested in the epigraphical sources of the Peloponnese (apart from colonies). The list of the most popular names is even poorer. Most of the new Roman citizens of Greek origin maintained their old Greek name as a cognomen, which is precisely why it is interesting to study the exceptions to this rule by considering the date of the documents and the diffusion of the names in the regions of the Peloponnese. The social and ethnic origin of the name-bearers is not a question without relevance, given that on the one hand, the majority of the Roman citizens apparently belonged to the local elites and on the other, that there were western businessmen settled in the area. We should therefore bear in mind that an unknown number of the attested Latin names, rather than being borne by people of Greek origin, were held by Roman settlers or their descendants12. It is indeed not always feasible to distinguish, especially in the high Imperial period, between a Greek bearer of a Roman name from a negotiator or his descendant.

  • 13 In addition to the old and still unpublished, but profoundly inspiring thesis of Kapetanopoulos 19 (...)
  • 14 Solin 2001, 191-202. Solin’s work appeared before Byrne’s book and therefore employs the data of F (...)

8Our Appendix includes tables of this onomastic material ordered in categories. To put the data of these tables in some form of context, the results derived from them should be compared with the material from other regions of the eastern Roman provinces. Of the regions of the Greek peninsula only Athens is so far completely covered by a study of epigraphic documents focusing on the Roman names13. We also owe to H. Solin a comparative study of the Latin cognomina of Athens with the material of Central Greece, including Thessaly, and Asia Minor14.

9The most popular names borne by the inhabitants of the Peloponnese are much the same as those occuring in Athens and Central Greece, though not precisely. There are considerable differences among the lists for these three regions. A striking difference of quantitive nature, namely that the frequency numbers appearing in the list for the city of Athens are much higher than those in the list for the whole Peloponnese, is no surprise, since Athens is one of the richest cities in terms of both epigraphical and archaeological evidence. In the Peloponnese, there are only five names occuring more than twenty times, just three praenomina and the cognomina Rufus and Primus. In general, there are few names represented by more than five examples each (cf. tables in Appendix). Names which originally functioned as praenomina and are now used as individual names are, as in all studied cases, to be found among the most popular Latin names.

10The following table shows a comparison between frequency numbers of some of the most popular names in the lists of Athens (results are taken from Solin 2001, 191) and the Peloponnese:

Names

Athenians

Peloponnesians

Caius

74

21

Lucius

23

28 (including female form and Lucas)

Marcus

70

42

Primus

95

21

Publius

65

14

Rufus

72

28

Secundus

40

16

  • 15 Kajanto [1965] 1982.
  • 16 Solin 2001, 191.

11It is not necessary to compare the popularity of these names with that of the same names in Rome and with the frequency data given by I. Kajanto15, since this task has been already undertaken by H. Solin16 and his conclusions also apply to the Peloponnese.

12In order to offer a more systematic presentation of the onomastic material of the Peloponnese, it is useful at this point to draw up some categories for attested Latin names:

Praenomina and gentilicia as personal names17

  • 17 Cf. Kajanto 1977, 421-430 for a brief discussion of the evolution from the single name system of p (...)
  • 18 Suet., Cl., 25.3.
  • 19 For this see Solin 2001, 191, 200-201.

13The Emperor Claudius had forbidden peregrini to use Roman gentile names as personal names18. We are not in a position to consider, however, either the question of whether he allowed them to bear Latin praenomina or cognomina, or whether his rule was applied in the East and, if so, for how long. All these name components are employed as personal names in the Peloponnese, as they are in Athens, Central Greece and Asia Minor19. In particular, names which originally functioned as praenomina are in all cases studied to be found among the most popular Latin personal names. This phaenomenon, which is clearly to be seen in Table I of the Appendix, cannot be regarded as a simple coincidence, a point to which we will return in our conclusions below.

Nomina simplicia

  • 20 Byrne 2003, XIV-XV.

14There is a tendency on the part of Greeks in inscriptions and literary sources in especially the 1st c. A.D. to employ the traditional manner of self-presentation, namely by still using a bare name, regardless of whether they hold Roman citizenship or not, thereby omiting nomina20. In the majority of the cases, it is impossible to discover, whether the bearers of single praenomina or single cognomina or even single gentilicia were Roman citizens or peregrini bearing fashionable names or merely names chosen according to taste. Latin praenomina form a great proportion of single names attested in the Peloponnese. For the purpose of our study all these variations of using bare Latin names are significant for the self-presentation of the individuals.

15Nomina simplicia in the Peloponnese are especially to be found in large numbers in catalogues of ephebes from Messene, dated mainly to the 1st c. A.D. From a total of 80 attested Latin names in Messenia, 44 are single names, many of them appearing indeed much more than once. From a total of 349 bearers of Latin names in Messenia, about 90 individuals bear a single Latin name (about 34 patronyms not being included here). The question of whether these single names are really parts of a full Roman onomastic formula thus arises, given that there were Roman settlers among the Messenians who are also recorded in the ephebic lists, under the heading Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ξένοι. The problem is complicated further by the fact that among the ephebes listed under this heading there are also 12 individuals bearing a Greek cognomen or a Greek patronym. In such cases, it is not easy to distinguish between Greeks, with or without Roman citizenship, from Romans who are defined simply by one name, in accordance with the practices of the Greek onomastic system, merely because they are mentioned in a Greek context. On the other hand, some Roman settlers may have been honoured with the award of local citizenship and were therefore recorded as being members of a local tribe. The analysis of the total number of the bearers of single Latin names in ephebic lists of Messene shows that this question can have no definite answer, since single Latin names are to be found in all categories of those listed: there are 31 individuals belonging to one of the local tribes, 3 recorded under the heading οἱ ἀπὸ τᾶν πόλεων, whilst two further persons are attested as hypogymnasiarchoi, one as ephebarch and one as epimelet. There are further 21 bearers of single names recorded as Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ξένον.

Total number of individuals bearing Latin names (included also Roman citizens with Greek cognomina) : 349
Individuals bearing Latin cognomina or single Latin names : 160
Individuals bearing single Latin names : ca. 90
Individuals regarded with great certainty as Romans: 61

The example of Messene in numbers

Single Latin names:

1. in local tribes

31

2. οἱ ἀπὸ τᾶν πόλεων

3

3. Hypogymnasiarchoi

2

4. Ephebarch

1

5. Epimelet

1

6. Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ξένοι

21

Ephebic lists

  • 21 For this individual see Zoumbaki 2001, 301-302, K 52 and Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001, 455-456, EL 138.
  • 22 For the date see Zoumbaki (forthcoming 2).
  • 23 IvO 220: Ἀπολλώνιος Ἀπολλώνιου ὑὸς Ἠλεῖος ὁ καὶ Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος; 369: Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Ἀπολλωνι (...)

16One should certainly bear in mind that especially at the beginning of the Imperial period Greeks were very unfamiliar with the Roman onomastic customs, a fact that gave rise to several exceptions to the Roman rules. A characteristic example of a Greek not yet fully conversant with the requirements of the Roman naming system is the Elean Tib. Claudius Apollonios, the first attested Elean Roman citizen and one of the earliest in the Peloponnese21. He obtained citizenship and his gentile name through his patron Tib. Claudius Nero, the future Emperor Tiberius before his adoption by Augustus, after 20 B.C.22 Apollonios is attested in three inscriptions from Olympia. In all three texts the use of his Roman onomastic formula is incorrect in that it constantly employs the phrase “ὁ καί” (qui et), although, instead of indicating a surname, it forms one of the basic elements of his new Roman name23.

Names ending in-ianus

  • 24 For the cognomina in-anus, which at the beginning implied an adoption, but later were freely chose (...)
  • 25 Cf. Εὐτυχιανός (Rizakis et al. 2004, LAC 139, 140; MES 308).

17As is well known, at the beginning cognomina in-ianus implied an adoption. Later they became extremely popular and were used independently of adoption cases24. The majority of these in the Peloponnese is to be dated to the 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D., when these names came into vogue in all parts of the eastern provinces. In this group, in addition to classifying Roman cognomina in-ianus, we can also discern new coinages formed on Greek names, to which the suffix-ianus is added25. The popularity of these new names that derive from Greek personal names with the addition of a Latin suffix is to be explained either as a matter of taste, in the sence that it produced a pleasant sound to Greek ears, or it betrays an attempt of the Greeks at creating Roman-sounding names.

Names recalling some roman magistrate active in the area

  • 26 Cf. e.g. the Roman gentilicium of P. Memmius Cleander (see Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001, COR 421) and o (...)
  • 27 For him see Spawforth 1996, 173, 176-177 and Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001, *ACH 64 and COR 135.
  • 28 For the family see Zoumbaki (forthcoming 1); cf. also Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001, ARG 233.

18The personal contacts of certain individuals of the provincial Greek elite with Roman magistrates, which certainly occured and are sometimes documented in the sources, are occasionally reflected in name-giving. The enfranchissement of some provincials thanks to a Roman officer is at times indicated by the diffusion of his gentile name in a family26. Sometimes a close connection of a Greek with a Roman magistrate is expressed through the decision of the former to bear his Roman patron’s cognomen. The ultimate role of a Roman officer cannot, however, be easily detected, since more indications, rather than just the name of the officer must be available for us to decide with certainty. A good example is P. Caninius Agrippa, son of Alexiades, IIvir quinqu. appearing on Corinthian coins of A.D. 16/17 or 21/22 and procurator of Achaia under Augustus, whose cognomen implies a connection between Alexiades and M. Vipsanius Agrippa, as A. Spawforth has pointed out27. Another case is Tib. Iulius Regulus, son of Sianthos from Argolid. A personal connection between Tib. Iulius Sianthos and P. Memmius Regulus is to be inferred from his son’s cognomen, given the contacts of Regulus with Argos and Epidauros28.

19Both examples concern Greek prominent and wealthy men, who nurtured contacts with Roman provincial magistrates and who thus stressed these contacts through their choice of name, which certainly increased their prestige in their home towns and raised hopes of a Roman career.

Rest names

20The last group comprises all remaining names. They may certainly be classified in sub-groups, such as wish names, geographical or numerical names, but such a classification however yields no particular result, since none of these groups is especially popular. The most widespread names among them are a few Latin cognomina, which are popular everywhere in the Roman Empire and consequently in the remaining regions of the Greek peninsula. The most popular names are Rufus, Maximus and the numericals Primus and Secundus. The use of numerals as personals names was also a Greek onomastic custom, although names like Πρῶτος and Δεύτερος, never enjoyed the popularity of Primus or Secundus.

Conclusions

21At first glance there is no obvious reason for the popularity of a few particular Latin names in the Peloponnese. In the analysis of the onomastic material it is to be observed that these popular names are those that proved equally popular everywhere in Italy and the eastern half of the Roman Empire from the Republican period onwards. Thus there is apparently just one main explanation for their popularity in the Peloponnese. Greek ears were used to hearing these names, either deriving from the Roman magistrates or from the Italians settled in the area. When Greeks were about to choose a Latin name for themselves or their children, they chose either among the most frequent and consequently the most familiar ones or among names with a meaning that could be easily understood by non-Latin-speaking people. Among such easily understood names are, for example, the numerical names and their derivatives, like Primus, Secundus and so on, and also Primerus etc. Given the wide expansion of these names in the West as well, the popularity of the numericals used as names among Greeks can be explained.

22As for Latin praenomina used as single names, their diffusion in the Peloponnese, and indeed, in the whole of the Greek peninsula is apparently to be explained in the same way. The limited number of Latin praenomina repeated in the first place in the nomenclature of the Romans became familiar to Greeks, who therefore borrowed them directly, while ignoring the remaining components of the Roman onomastic formula, since the Greek onomastic custom demanded just one name and a patronym.

  • 29 As regards the status of the Roman settlers in regions of Greek peninsula, it is not known whether (...)
  • 30 Cf. e.g. the names Laetus and Florus borne by the Vettuleni of Elis, see Zoumbaki 1993, 227-232.

23The presence of these popular Latin names in the Peloponnese may be therefore explained by familiarity, fashion or taste. The rest, less common or even rare Latin names attested in the documents of the Peloponnese are more or less isolated cases that cannot be classified in particular groups. Personal relationships nurtured either with Roman magistrates or with settled emigrants from Italy29 may be the reason for why some of those names are borne. In some other cases, there is a good reason to suppose that they were borne by Roman settlers, rather than by Greeks30. Messene again offers an example. From a total of about 160 bearers of Latin cognomina or Latin single names, 11 concern Roman magistrates, whilst 61 individuals are with great certainty to be regarded as Roman settlers, since they are recorded either in ephebic lists under the heading ‛Pωµαῖοι or in a tax list under the heading ‛Aπóλοιπα ‛Pωµαῖων. For an unknown number of the rest there are also considerable indications that they, too, were Romans.

  • 31 Cf. e.g. Crispianus of Messene, Vibullia Alcia Agrippina (mother of Herodes Atticus), for which se (...)
  • 32 Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001, ARG 116 and 144.
  • 33 See IG, IV 1, p. XXV for a stemma of the family.
  • 34 In the view of Spawforth 1996, 174 members of families of the provincial aristocracy, such as Cn. (...)

24In other cases in which Latin names are borne within Peloponnesian families, intermarriage with a person of Italian origin can be detected or supposed31. On the other hand, there are cases of use of Latin names within families where neither a direct nor a kindred relationship with Italians can be traced. Such cases are Cn. Cornelius Pulcher, son of Nicatas or Tib. Iulius Claudianus, son of the above mentioned Tib. Iulius Sianthos32. These people bear Latin names by free choice on the part of their parents. Pulcher is apparently a wish name, whilst Claudianus is formed from the gentilicium of the mother of the bearer, Claudia Laphanta. It is significant that both sons of Sianthos bear Latin names, Claudianus and Regulus. These are indeed the first Latin cognomina in the stemma of the family33. These examples concern prominent members of the local elites, who developed close ties with powerful Romans, either from the Roman milieu of the colonies and business communities or with officers of senatorial and equestrian rank34. Wealthy and ambitious Greeks, who obtained Roman citizenship as a first step necessary for the fulfilling of their dreams of pursuing a Roman career and who therefore sought out ways to rise in the hierarchy, found it more suitable to cover their Greek origin under a Roman appearance that could be created through bearing a Latin name.

  • 35 Spawforth 2002, esp. 101-105.
  • 36 Spawforth 2002, 107.

25To summarise: we can conclude that the very choice of a few familiar Latin names by the inhabitants of the Peloponnese betrays their unfamiliarity with the rich Latin onomastic thesaurus. It also reveals their limited knowledge of the Latin language as a vehicle for a whole culture. The expansion of these names in the Peloponnese is therefore rather to be regarded more as a matter of fashion than Romanisation, more as taste than acculturation and real interchange with a foreign culture. A great deal of Roman culture in a Greek family was certainly transmitted through intermarriage with some Italian woman from the communities of colonists, veterans or western immigrants35. Interaction with the more romanised world of colonies or communities of Italian settlers might constitute a force for the Romanisation of the Greek indigenous population. The onomastic material of the Peloponnese reveals, however, how limited the Romanisation of the greatest part of the population from this aspect was. The study of the nomenclature in connection with the prosopography of the Peloponnese leads us to conclude that Latin cognomina are to be found mainly among powerful Greeks who had close contacts with the Italian milieu and who indulged in friendship, trade or other financial activities or even intermarriage with members of this milieu. Earlier studies by prominent scholars have suggested36 that it was the same milieu that produced the first wave of knights and senators from Achaia, Asia and Egypt. When we speak of Romanisation, therefore, it is actually mainly to this part of the society that we refer.

Annexes

Appendix

Tables of the categories for the attested Latin cognomina and single names in the Peloponnese*

I. Praenomina used as proper names

I. Praenomina used as proper names

II. Gentilicia used as proper names

Aebutius

Gellia

Nanius

Aemilius

Gemonia

Novellius

Antestia

Granius

Novius

Antonius

Heius

Oppia

Atilius

Hermenius

Paccius

Cassius (5)

Hostilius

Paconius

Claudius

Iulius/a (9)

Petronius

Clodius/a

Iullius

Rotilius

Cludius

Iunius

Rubrius

Cornelius

Laelius

Sempronius

Cospinius

Licinia

Sisinius

Diminius

Mallius

Tertius/a

Dometius

Maronius

Tullinus

Florentia

Menius

Vedius

Gaegilius

Mescinius

Geganius

Mundia

III. Names terminating in-ianus

Aelianus

Claudianus

Oppianus

Atilianus

Crispianus

Proculianus

Attianus

Faustinianus

Quintillianus

Augustinianus

Flavianus

Scribonianus

Aurelianus

Granianus

Seianus

Baebiana

Herennianus

Spedianus

Berenicianus

Iulianus

Terentianus

Caecilianus

Licinnianus

Ulpianus

Caelianus

Marcianus/a

Valerianus

Cassianus

Memmianus

Volusianus/a

Celestinianus

Mestianus

IV. Rest Latin names

Aeneas

Crispus

Lamia

Agrippa

Delmatius

Latinus

Amandus

Dexter

Lepuscula

Anta

Domesticus

Longinus/a (7)

Antiquus

Fabullus

Longus

Aper

Faustinus

Lotus

Apio

Faustus/a (6)

Macer

Aquila

Felix

Magio

Aquilinus/a

Festus

Maior

Argennus

Fidus

Marcellinus

Attina

Firmus

Marcellus

Auctus

Florus

Marcio

Bassus (7)

Fortunatus/a

Martialis

Brutus

Frontinus/a

Marullina

Buccio

Galaesus

Maximus (7)

Candidus

Gemellus

Messalinus

Capito

Geminus

Modestina

Carus

Herculanus

Montanus

Celer

Ianuarius

Nardus

Cethegus

Ingenu (u) s

Natalus

Cognitus

Italus

Nero

Cossaeus (?)

Iucundus

Niger

Crassus (?)

Iulitta

Optatus

Crescens

Iustus/a

Papulus

Crispinus

Laetus

Paulus

Pisanus

Quaesitus

Serenus

Pius

Regulus

Severus (9)

Polla (9)

Romanus

Tertullus

Pollio (5)

Rufinus

Tribunus

Primerus

Rufio

Urbanus

Primio

Rufus (28)

Vegetus

Primus/a (21)

Sabinus/a

Venustinus

Priscus/a

Saturnilus

Venustus

Proculus/a

Saturninus

Verecundus

Pulcher/Pulchra

Secundus/a (16)

Victorinus

Quadratus

Sedatus

Vitalis

Notes

1 Suet., Aug., 98.3:...lege proposita ut Romani Graeco, Graeci Romano habitu et sermone uterentur.

2 As well as historians, archaeologists, numismatists, philologists, linguists also approach the topic from their own point of view: see e.g. Freeman 1993; Biville 1993; Hoff & Rotroff 1997, where a group of specialists offers analyzes of various aspects of the Romanisation of Athens; Howgego et al. 2005.

3 Cf. for example Str. 3.2.15: “... τελέως εἰς τὸν Ῥωμαίων μεταβέβληνται τρόπον, οὐδὲ τῆς διαλέκτου τῆς σφετέρας ἔτι μεμνημένοι. Λατῖνοι τε οἱ πλεῖστοι γεγόνασι, καὶ ἐποίκους εἰλήφασι Ῥωμαίους, ᾥστε μικρὸν ἀπέχουσι τοῦ πάντες εἶναι Ῥωμαίοι”.

4 For a summary of the debate on this topic, in the form of an introduction to Hoff & Rotroff 1997, see Alcock 1997c, 1-3. For a more recent review of the modern tendencies in the investigation and a rich bibliography on the subject see Le Roux 2004. For Romanisation and the notion of Roman Greece or “Graecia capta” see Rousset 2004.

5 Cf. eg. the ephebic lists of Messene, Makres (forthcoming); cf. also Suet., Aug., 98.3 about Augustus, who observes the exercises of the Greek ephebes at Capreae.

6 Plin., Ep., 8.24.3.

7 Cf. the bibliography of Hall [1997] 1998; Laurence & Berry 1998; Goldhill 2001; Siapkas 2003.

8 Given that there is a strikingly small number of Latin inscriptions in the Peloponnese outside Corinth and Patras, there is a general tendency to connect Latin or bilingual texts of private nature with settled Italians, see Zoumbaki 1998-1999, 114. Such texts recording Roman names are the following: IG, V 2, 456 (= CIL, III I, 496) from Megalopolis; CIL, III 1 Suppl. 7252 (528) from Cynaetha in the region of Kalavryta; CIL, III, 497 from Kleitor; CIL, III, 531 and 7265 and IG, IV 634, also ILGR, 84-89 from Argos; ILGR, 39 from Afessou in Laconia; IG, V 1, 374 from Sparta; IG, V 1, 1569 (CIL, III, 493) from Krokeai in Laconia; ILGR, 40 from Gytheion; two Latin inscriptions from Taenaron that appear without a number in IG, V 1, 229 and 232; ILGR, 80 from Aigion; ILGR, 82-83 from Sicyon.

9 Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001; Rizakis et al. 2004.

10 On the population of Corinth and its Roman outlook see Spawforth 1996, 167-182: the majority of the inhabitants of the colony seem to have been of freedman stock and of the milieu of the negotiatores. A veteran element certainly existed but it is hardly represented in the elite of the colony and therefore difficult to detect. Cf. also id., 175 for the so-called “Hellenisation” of Roman Corinth and for a prejustice against Greek names. For the society of the three Roman colonies of the Peloponnese, see Rizakis 2001.

11 For the problems of this material see Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001, 41 and n. 29.

12 For Roman settlers in the Peloponnese see Zoumbaki 1998-1999, 112-176.

13 In addition to the old and still unpublished, but profoundly inspiring thesis of Kapetanopoulos 1963, there is now the enormous work of Byrne 2003.

14 Solin 2001, 191-202. Solin’s work appeared before Byrne’s book and therefore employs the data of Fraser & Matthews 1987-2000 (The most recent volume of this work, Fraser & Matthews 2005, was still unpublished).

15 Kajanto [1965] 1982.

16 Solin 2001, 191.

17 Cf. Kajanto 1977, 421-430 for a brief discussion of the evolution from the single name system of prehistorical Romans to the onomastic single-name-pattern of Late Antiquity.

18 Suet., Cl., 25.3.

19 For this see Solin 2001, 191, 200-201.

20 Byrne 2003, XIV-XV.

21 For this individual see Zoumbaki 2001, 301-302, K 52 and Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001, 455-456, EL 138.

22 For the date see Zoumbaki (forthcoming 2).

23 IvO 220: Ἀπολλώνιος Ἀπολλώνιου ὑὸς Ἠλεῖος ὁ καὶ Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος; 369: Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Ἀπολλωνιου υἱὸς ὁ καὶ Ἀπολλώνιος; 424: Απολλώνιος Ἀπολλωνίου ὁ καὶ Τιβέριος.

24 For the cognomina in-anus, which at the beginning implied an adoption, but later were freely chosen, see Kajanto [1965] 1982, 32-35.

25 Cf. Εὐτυχιανός (Rizakis et al. 2004, LAC 139, 140; MES 308).

26 Cf. e.g. the Roman gentilicium of P. Memmius Cleander (see Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001, COR 421) and of the Elean C. Memmius Eudamos and his son P. Memmius Philodamos (Zoumbaki 2001, 325-326, M 17 and 18 and for the whole family 285, I 14) imply obtaining of Roman citizenship through P. Memmius Regulus (A.D. 35-44) and his son C. Memmius Regulus, who often followed his father on his journeys in the East.

27 For him see Spawforth 1996, 173, 176-177 and Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001, *ACH 64 and COR 135.

28 For the family see Zoumbaki (forthcoming 1); cf. also Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001, ARG 233.

29 As regards the status of the Roman settlers in regions of Greek peninsula, it is not known whether those who had settled there before the award of civitas (89 B.C.) to all Italians acquired this status or not. Cf. Kapetanopoulos 1963, 11, 26-27.

30 Cf. e.g. the names Laetus and Florus borne by the Vettuleni of Elis, see Zoumbaki 1993, 227-232.

31 Cf. e.g. Crispianus of Messene, Vibullia Alcia Agrippina (mother of Herodes Atticus), for which see Spawforth 2002, 102 and 103; cf. also Claudius Frontinus (Rizakis et al. 2004, MES 142), Ti. Claudius Quir. Saethida Cethegus Frontinus (Rizakis et al. 2004, MES 150 remarks).

32 Rizakis & Zoumbaki 2001, ARG 116 and 144.

33 See IG, IV 1, p. XXV for a stemma of the family.

34 In the view of Spawforth 1996, 174 members of families of the provincial aristocracy, such as Cn. Cornelius Pulcher and C. Iulius Laco, who “were nursing ambitions for Roman office” were in closer contact with colonial Corinth from the Claudian and Neronian period on.

35 Spawforth 2002, esp. 101-105.

36 Spawforth 2002, 107.

Table des illustrations

Titre I. Praenomina used as proper names
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Université de Paris X

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