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Regionalism in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor

 | 
Hugh Elton
, 
Gary Reger

Galatian Connections with the Celtic West in the Hellenistic Era

Anthony D. Macro

Texte intégral

  • 1 For the I.-E. root * gal-: Pokorny 1959-1969, 351. The Celtic root has been extended with suffix-( (...)

1The warrior bands who emerged from Central Europe into the Balkans in 280 BC and severally raided Delphi in 279, fought in Thrace, and in the winter of 278/277 crossed into Asia to make a tribal settlement in Anatolia, were called Galatai by the Hellenistic Greeks. The Greek appellative Γαλάται is a loan-word from Celtic. Modeled on the Celtic root * gal-“might, fury, battle-rage”, it describes “those furious in battle”, “the raging warriors”1. The Galatai were Celts, and the onomastic evidence, drawn from Greek literary, epigraphical and numismatic sources, shows that they were speakers of P-Celtic, the branch of Celtic dominant in Bohemia, northern Italy, Gaul and Britannia in historical times.

2The question arises whether contact was maintained over the years between the Galatian Celts of Thrace and Asia Minor and their brethren in Western and Central Europe. Is there enough evidence to suggest, if not show, a supra-regional Celtic link from one end of the Mediterranean to the other? I offer for consideration three exhibits, literary, epigraphical, and numismatic. They are of various cogency. The first presupposes a time when the Galatai were rampant along the coast of Asia Minor and assumes an ease of intercourse between Ionia and Gaul.

31. Parthenius, Erotica, VIII: ὅτε δὲ οἱ Γαλάται κατέδραμον τὴν Ίονίαν

  • 2 Text: Martini 1902. Cf. Loicq-Berger 1984.

4A note in the manuscript at the head of the first paragraph of Parthenius’ eighth Love Romance advises the reader that he adapted the story from the Historiae of Aristodemos of Nysa, changing the heroïne’s name from Euthymia to Herippe, and reducing the hero Cavaras (Καυάρας) to an anonymous barbarian2. As Parthenius tells it, then, a part of the Galatian army entered the territory of Miletos and by a sudden raid abducted women who were celebrating the Thesmophoria at a temple some distance from town. Local epigraphical evidence supports a date for putting this action in the 270s. Some of the women were ransomed for large sums of silver and gold, but others, with whom the barbarians had become familiar, were carried off, among them Herippe, wife of Xanthos, a man of high repute and noble birth; she left behind a child two years of age. Now Xanthos wanted her back. He raised a sum of money – two thousand pieces of gold – and crossed (by ship) to Italy, where he was met and helped by friends who escorted him to Massalia. From there he traveled inland, into the country of the Celts (εἰς τὴν Κελτικήν). He finally reached the house where his wife was living with her abductor, one of the chief men of the Celts, and was well received. At the story’s end, Herippe has shown such unconscionable duplicity in her schemes to manage the ménage à trois that the outraged Celt summarily severs her head.

  • 3 On the Celtic etymology of the names “Cavares” and “Cavaras”: Guyonvarc’h 1965, 147-149, who deriv (...)

5For the present purpose, I draw attention to these details: the raiders at Miletos are Galatai; the abductor is called Cavaras (Kauaraw) in Aristodemos’ (original) version, which is probably a nomen gentilicum rather than a personal name: the Cavares were a Celtic people whose land (at least in the second century BC) lay within the confluence of the rivers Rhône and Durance, a distance of about sixty miles from Massalia3. We are surprised, as we think about it, that Xanthos, when still in Miletos, knows straightway where Herippe has been taken: to faraway KeltikÆ, rather than to a local Celtic area of control in Asia Minor or Thrace; and while we are told that his route to Massalia lay via Italy, where his network of friends is surely anachronistic for the 270s, we are given no idea how Cavaras had taken Herippe to her new home in the West. Are we to believe that they went overland, retracing the route through the Balkans taken by Galatai when they migrated East? It’s a long, hard haul!

  • 4 For Poseidonios as prime source of (Gallocentric) Celtic realities for the literati in Rome of the (...)

6Aristodemos was writing the original material of Parthenius’ story in the first century BC, when he had before him the authoritative Histories of Poseidonios on which to draw. In his chapters on the Celts, covering the years from 146 until sometime early in the first century BC, Poseidonios had offered a systematic description of the Celtic way of life in southern Gaul, an account full of ethnographic detail and fascinating in social observation. His work was admired by the intellectual circles in Rome, in which Aristodemos and, later, Parthenius moved in the first century BC4.

  • 5 For Cabellio and Avennio as Massaliote cities, see Steph. Byz. svv; he cites Artemidorus (fl. end (...)

7It seems likely, therefore, that Aristodemos (followed by Parthenius) has transferred the mis-en-scène of Herippe’s and Xanthos’ reunion into a setting which better suited their contemporary Roman audiences’ understanding and expectation. The name Cavaras strongly suggests that the authors had the land of the Cavares in mind. The Cavaran settlements of Avignon (Avennio) and Cavaillon (Cabellio) probably had come under Massaliote influence soon after the Roman victories over the Arverni and Allobroges (121 BC), and the formation of Narbonensis. Archaeological evidence of coins and pottery from both sites indicates a strong Greek presence, whose source could only be Massilia, a trusted ally of Rome5. Roman military and diplomatic activity in Narbonensis was continuous well into the first century BC, and always newsworthy. The situation of the Province was well known in Rome. And so Xanthos’ access to the land of the Cavares via Massalia would have a persuasive verisimilitude about it.

  • 6 Frieze at Cività Alba: Segrè 1934, 137-142. Attack on Didyma: IDidyma 426. The Celtic kingdom of T (...)

8The rape of Euthymia/Herippe in the vicinity of Miletos in the 270s BC and Parthenius’ telling of the story are separated by two centuries. Yet such sculptures in the round as the Roman copies of the “Dying Gaul” and the “Gallic Chieftain with his wife” (both bronze originals dating from ca. 230-220 BC), and scenes on the frieze of Cività Alba, in Picenum, showing the Galatian attack on the Didymaion in 277/276 BC, testify to an abiding interest among Romans in the times when Galatian fury and might were besetting the Greeks of Asia Minor6. Parthenius is appealing to the same taste, but bringing his romantic tale up-to-date by setting the main drama in Narbonensis, where Celtic habit and custom were now tempered and familiar.

9The story, however, provides no foundation on which to base a convincing argument to demonstrate direct social or political or diplomatic links between Celts in East and West in the early third century BC. Upon examination, it merely implies Parthenius’ awareness of the fact that Galatians were Celts. The second exhibit will be seen to be more informative.

  • 7 Most recent edition of text: IK 6-Lampsakos, 4, with translation, discussion of historical backgro (...)

102. Decree of Lampsakos (196/195 BC): IK 6-Lampsakos, 4 (Syll.3, 591)7.

  • 8 IK, 6-Lampsakos, 4, l. 26-27: κ]αὶ διά το Μασσαλιήτας εἶναι ἡμῖν ἀδελφ[ούς, οἴ εἰσι φίλ]οι καὶ σύμμ (...)
  • 9 The friendly relations between Massalia and Rome were of long standing. After the capture of Veii (...)
  • 10 IK, 6-Lampsakos, 4, l. 47-49: κρίναντες δὲ χρήσιμον εἶναι ἁξιώ[σαντες ἔλαβον παρὰ τὼν] έξακοσἰων συ (...)
  • 11 Mitchell 1993, 1.22. P. Frisch, at IK, 6-Lampsakos 4, p. 34-35, is not so sure that a Galatian thr (...)
  • 12 Holleaux 1957, 152-153.

11A decree of the people of Lampsakos honours their citizen Hegesias for the success of his embassy to L. Flamininus in Greece, to Massalia, and to Rome. The urgent purpose of the mission, undertaken in the winter months of 197/196 BC, was to stimulate Roman senatorial support against Antiochos, who was making hostile moves against cities in Ionia and Mysia. Massalia was included in the ambassadors’ itinerary for reasons of common kinship (συγγένεια) – Lampsakos and Massilia were colonies of Phokaia8, and because of her strong ties of friendship and alliance with the Romans9. Yet Massaliot influence in southern Gaul could also be turned to advantage. Acting on their own initiative, Hegesias and his colleagues on behalf of the people of Lampsakos “asked for, and received from, the Masssaliot Council of 600 a beneficial letter of introduction to the Tolostoagii Galatai” (lines 47-49)10. It is hard to say what purpose lay behind soliciting the letter; there is no further mention of the Tolostoagii in the text of the decree. As Stephen Mitchell has remarked, “the context appears to rule out the possibility that the Gauls were directly threatening Lampsacus”11. Maurice Holleaux suggested that Hegesias saw an opportunity to divert Tolostoagian mercenaries from Antiochos to the protection of his own city, or that he was seeking a normalcy in trading relations and assurances that Lampsakenes doing business in Tolostagian Galatia might enjoy personal security12. Be that as it may, Hegesias’ simple request for the letter implies that the special relationship the Massaliots enjoyed with their Celtic neighbours in Gaul could be activated and exploited by the people of Lampsacus to influence favorably the behavior of the Celtic Tolistoagii in Asia Minor.

12It indicates that Hegesias and his colleagues were aware of an ethnic consciousness still alive between Galatians and the Celts of Gaul at the turn of the second century.

  • 13 Liv. 38.40.1-2. Mitchell 1993, 1.24, remarks that “[Lampsacus was] chosen [as the site of the meet (...)
  • 14 Liv. 38.17.11: Massalia inter Gallos sita traxit aliquantum ab accolis animorum (where Livy is dep (...)

13It is perhaps a sign of the success of Hegesias’ diplomatic activity in the West, that a few years later, in 189 BC, Cn. Manlius Vulso met representatives of the defeated Galatians at Lampsakos, where he imposed the terms on which they should keep the peace13. Manlius had been alert to the trans-Mediterranean Celtic connection via Massalia, when, in a speech of encouragement to his troops at the Galatian frontier, he urged them to despise the barbarism of the Galatian Celts, a typical Celtic barbarism which, he says, had infected the culture of Massalia too14.

14In the third and final exhibit, I explore a linguistic and perhaps functionary connection of what I believe is of some importance between the Celtic West and the Hellenoceltic sphere of interest in Thrace and Asia Minor.

153. Βιτοριξ ἀργυροταμίας

  • 15 E. g., at Heracleia Pontica: BMC Pontus etc., p. 140, no 14; cf. Head 1911, 516.

16There are two specimens of bronze coin issued by one Bitorix – an obvious Celtic name – who styles himself Argyrotamias, and, perhaps, Basileus besides; one coin is in London, the other in Berlin. The obverse carries the top of a young Herakles, with lion’s skin around his neck; on the reverse a monogram stands at the head and a transverse club separates the first and second lines of the inscription. Herakles was associated with Kios in myth, and is often represented on the city’s coins of all eras and under both names, Kios and Prusias ad mare. In fact, coins bearing a portrait of the young Herakles, with a club on the reverse, though not lying horizontally as here, are typical of the Greek cities along the south shore of the Black Sea, where Herakles was often claimed as “Founder”15.

  • 16 PN Bitorix <*bito-rix ‘world-king’ (Pokorny 1959-1969, 468, 855): cf. Masson 1982.
    Coin I (in Londo (...)

17I have printed a composite of the first two lines of the main legend, where by extrapolation from one coin to the other the reading is secure16. But insecurity prevails in the last line; so I give both versions (I & II):

I (London).

II (Berlin).

Βα(σιλεὺς?) (in ligature)

Βα(σιλεύς?) (in ligature)

1-2

Βιτοριξ ἀργυ/ροταμίας

Βιτοριξ ἀργυ/ροταμίας

3

ἔτους [

Προυσιε(ων)

  • 17 Str. 12.3.6; 12.3.35, before 30 BC
  • 18 Robert 1946 and 1950. Kallatis and Crimean Chersonesos were, in fact, secondary foundations from H (...)

18The ligature may stand as an abbreviation of B (ιτοριξ) Ἀ(ργυροταμίας), or, as is perhaps more likely, of βασιλεύς – either with the meaning “dynast,” as with Adiatorix in nearby Heracleia Pontica17, or the title of eponymous magistrate attested in the Megarian colonies of Chalkedon and Herakleia Pontica, Kallatis, south of Tomi in Moesia, and Chersonesos in the Crimea18.

  • 19 Mitchell has recently assembled the evidence for this aspect of Antony’s policy in Asia Minor: 199 (...)

19If the coins were struck at the city of Kios (Prousias ad mare), then Bitorix, I suggest, is likely to have been one of a number of Galatians installed by Antony in the cities of Bithynia and Pontus, sometimes with royal title, in the thirties. Zmertorix, the son of Philonides, who issued bronze coin at Eumeneia, in Phrygia, sometime between 40 and 30 BC, is an apparent protégé. Zmertorix is not only taking pride in, and responsibility for, the local currency, but in displaying his Celtic name, he shows a confidence in his Celtic ancestry which his father’s name had effectively concealed. Evidently such chauvinism was not politically inexpedient in the years when Antony was active and strong in Asia Minor. Bitorix could also have prospered in this environment19.

  • 20 Head 1911, 274. For examples of coin, BMC Thrace, pp. 21-22, s. v. Callatia. Magistrates at Kallat (...)
  • 21 Allen 1980, 37: “The coin legends are, in fact, very largely confined to personal names, and, when (...)
  • 22 Celtic presence: Syll.3, 495, line 108 (Olbia, S. Russia, iii BC); I almost hesitate to mention a (...)

20However, if the final line represents an era date or simply Bitorix’s time in office, then it removes the city of Prousias’ proprietary claim on the coin, and weakens, though does not destroy, the case for Antony’s promotion of the man: Bitorix may have issued his coin anywhere in the Celtic orbit either in Asia Minor or Thrace or farther North. Kallatis in Moesia comes to mind. Autonomous bronze coins bearing Herakles’ head and his club horizontally were issued there from the early third century to 72 BC, with “magistrates” names occasionally in the nominative case or in monogram”20. There is good evidence for a Celtic presence along the western coast of the Black sea, continuing after the kingdom of Tylis was over-run and destroyed by Thracian tribes c. 212 BC. And the fact that Bitorix presents himself in the nominative case has more in common with the numismatic custom of the Celts than that of the Greek cities under Romans, when a magistrate’s name regularly appears in the genitive case; Kallatis is unusual in this respect21. Consequently, there is much to commend Kallatis as a credible provenience for Bitorix’s coin, whether his monogram signifies Bitorix Argyrotamias or simply BAsileus22.

21There are about fifty instances of argyrotamiai in the epigraphical record, representing mainland Greece, Thrace, the island of Delos (one instance), Asia Minor, where the majority are found, and Syria (two instances); there are also half-a-dozen examples on Egyptian papyri. They are known in Pergamon, and Assos in Mysia; in Bithynia at Nikaia, Nikomedia, and Prusias ad Hypium. In the Bithynian cities they serve as treasurers of specially earmarked funds: oil and grain funds, and the Boule’s fund. None of these Bithynian examples can be dated before the time of Hadrian.

  • 23 Decree of the Delian Association of Poseidoniastai from Berytus: IDélos 1520.
  • 24 Text I (AD 25): Cantineau 1931, with drawing, fig. 5; Cantineau 1933, 21, no 12, with photograph. (...)

22The earliest securely dated instance of the word argyrotamias is in the decree of an association of Syrian traders from Berytos, resident on the island of Delos. Their decree was inscribed in the mid-second century BC23. The argyrotamiai function as the Association’s regular board of financial officials. With this (decree) in mind, I want to draw attention to two bi-lingual inscriptions of the first century BC from Palmyra and vicinity, bearing texts in Aramaic and Greek: one is dated to AD 25, the other to AD 11424. Both Greek versions show the word argyrotamiai as a literal translation of Aramaic that specifies money from the (public) treasury. I suggest that the addition of the prefix argyro- to the customary simplex tamias held an importance and offered a degree of precision both for the translator in Palmyra and the one in Delos responsible for drafting into Greek the financial constitution of the Syrian Association a century earlier. One can argue much the same for the motives of the Celt Bitorix: for him the prefix argyro-was significant.

  • 25 Colbert de Beaulieu 1960.
  • 26 Derivation from I.-E. * da- ‘teilen’ has been proposed: Pokorny 1959-1969, 176. For Celtic * argan (...)

23On coins of the Lixouii, Suessiones, and Mediomatrici from Gaul of the first century BC, one finds in abbreviation the title arcanto-dannus, indicating a magistrate responsible for issuing the coin: a moneyer25. Celtic * arganto-/arcanto-, supplying the Irish, Welsh, and Breton derivatives for “money,” has a fairly straightforward etymology; but dannos has not; it clearly has something to do with control or distribution26.

  • 27 Text: RIG II, 1, E-2, pp. 26-37. Cf. Lejeune 1977; also Fleuriot 1984, 37-38.
  • 28 Lambert 1995, 76-78.

24In 1960, a Celtic compound of similar meaning came to light on a bilingual (Celtic and Latin) inscription from Vercelli in the Piémonte (cis-Alpine Gaul), dated to the second century BC, which demarcates a parcel of land “to be held in common by gods and men”27. The donor of the land is one Acisius, and he has the title argantocomaterecus. Pierre-Yves Lambert has recently explained the form very satisfactorily, as being composed of the Celtic elements: arkato-kom-ater-eko-s <* arga(n) tokom-(p) ater-eko-s, in which the series of elements beyond arkato- comprises the prefix com-, meaning “with, together”, the radical ater, derived from the I.-E. for “father” and showing regular Celtic loss of I.-E. unvoiced labial stop, and suffix-eko-28. This composite form is taken to mean something like the Latin patricius, so that Akisios is marked here with the title “Money-officer of patrician rank” in the local Gallic senate; in Latin terms, Quaestor patricius. In short, I think we would not be far wrong, if we thought of arkatocomaterecus as signifying “chief issuing officer of the treasury”.

  • 29 The Greek prefix argyro-is productive in substantives describing functions: e. g., ἀργυραμοιβός ἀρ (...)

25In view of this evidence from the Celtic West, I suggest that Bitorix saw the Greek argyrotamias as a translation of either one of these Celtic formations: arkatocomaterecus or arcantodannus. The vocabulary of his native language provided the exemplar for accurate translation of his office into Greek; and so it was with the translator at Palmyra and among the Syrian Poseidoniasts on Delos. It is hard to say precisely when or where in the region of the Black Sea Bitorix was active in his capacity as argyrotamias – the late second or first century BC seems likely; but I suggest that he was sufficiently bilingual to find a Greek composite term that adequately conformed to the tradition of his Celtic tongue29.

26To sum up. The story of Xanthos’ quest yielded no convincing evidence of continuing trans-Mediterranean Celtic connections in the Hellenistic era; but analysis of the Decree of Lampsakos showed that the city attempted to exploit a supra-regional Celtic consciousness for her own political and strategic advantage at the start of the second century. And Bitorix’s bronze coins imply a continuity of that ethnic consciousness into the first century BC For bearing the head and accoutrements of Herakles and issued for use in the market of a Greek city situated somewhere, let us say, on the southern or eastern shore of the Black Sea, they advertise a name and function that are typically Celtic. As with Zmertorix, Bitorix evidently saw no ethnic reason to change his name, but the title of “moneyer” (vel sim.) he literally translated as argyro-tamias, no doubt to accommodate Greek civic sensibilities.

Notes

1 For the I.-E. root * gal-: Pokorny 1959-1969, 351. The Celtic root has been extended with suffix-(i) ati-, which marks the ethnicon, and hellenized to conform with the masculine a (long) declension: γαλ-άτ-αι. Cf. LIXOV-IATI-S (nom. plur.): coin legend of the tribe Lixouii (Gaul). Schmidt 1994, 15-16; Lambert 1995, 34, 58-59; Strobel 1996, 131, n. 61.

2 Text: Martini 1902. Cf. Loicq-Berger 1984.

3 On the Celtic etymology of the names “Cavares” and “Cavaras”: Guyonvarc’h 1965, 147-149, who derives them from the root * kau-; cognate forms are, e. g., Old Irish caur “hero” and Welsh cawr “giant”, “hero”. Topography: Str. 4.1.3, 5.1.3ff.; also Pompon. 2.5; Plin., Nat., 3.36; Paus. 1.35.

4 For Poseidonios as prime source of (Gallocentric) Celtic realities for the literati in Rome of the first century, see Momigliano 1975, 67-73.

5 For Cabellio and Avennio as Massaliote cities, see Steph. Byz. svv; he cites Artemidorus (fl. end of second century BC) as his source for Cabellio. For the extent of Massalia’s influence within Cavaran territory, see Rivet 1988, 39ff., 262ff. & 265ff.

6 Frieze at Cività Alba: Segrè 1934, 137-142. Attack on Didyma: IDidyma 426. The Celtic kingdom of Tylis (in Thrace) was destroyed by Thracian tribes in c. 212 (Pol. 4.45-46; 8.22). The famous king Cavaros, whose reign had brought stability and power–and a fine coinage–or a homonymous ancestor may well have been the archetype of Herippe’s original Celtic prince (with a name like that). For the coinage: BMC Thrace p. 207 (Head HN2 p. 285). Elsewhere the name Kaouarow occurs at Alia, near Acmonia, West Phrygia in Roman imperial times: Zgusta 1964, 219; Ramsay 1895-1897, 2.614, no 524; and a Kaouara (f.) is reported by Tuğrul 1966.

7 Most recent edition of text: IK 6-Lampsakos, 4, with translation, discussion of historical background, and commentary.

8 IK, 6-Lampsakos, 4, l. 26-27: κ]αὶ διά το Μασσαλιήτας εἶναι ἡμῖν ἀδελφ[ούς, οἴ εἰσι φίλ]οι καὶ σύμμαχοι τοῦ δήμου τοῦ Ῥωμαίων. For Masssalia as colony of Phocaea: Thc. 1.13.6; Timaeus, FGrH 566 F 71. The Lampsacenes were no doubt well aware of Massalia’s fame as a centre for rhetoric (e. g., Caes., BCiv., 2.12.4), and according to Just., Epit. (37.1.1), Massalia had earlier represented her mother-city (Phokaia) at Rome.

9 The friendly relations between Massalia and Rome were of long standing. After the capture of Veii in 390 BC, the Romans placed their offerings in the Massaliote treasury at Delphi (Diod. 14.93.3-4; App., Ital., 8.1); and the Massaliotes were allies of Rome in the Second Punic War (Pol. 3.95.6).

10 IK, 6-Lampsakos, 4, l. 47-49: κρίναντες δὲ χρήσιμον εἶναι ἁξιώ[σαντες ἔλαβον παρὰ τὼν] έξακοσἰων συμφέρουσαν ἐπιστολὴν ὑ[πὲρ του δήμου πρòς τòν δῆμ]ον τῶν Τολοστοαγίων Γαλατῶν. On the various forms of the name Tolistoãgioi, cf. Stähelin 1937, 1673-1674.

11 Mitchell 1993, 1.22. P. Frisch, at IK, 6-Lampsakos 4, p. 34-35, is not so sure that a Galatian threat to the city was absent at the time of the decree’s formulation.

12 Holleaux 1957, 152-153.

13 Liv. 38.40.1-2. Mitchell 1993, 1.24, remarks that “[Lampsacus was] chosen [as the site of the meeting] perhaps because of Galatian connections there”. Lampsacus was likely to profit from following the example of Massalia, as a listening-and trading-post for the Celtic interior.

14 Liv. 38.17.11: Massalia inter Gallos sita traxit aliquantum ab accolis animorum (where Livy is dependent on the lost chapters of Polybius).

15 E. g., at Heracleia Pontica: BMC Pontus etc., p. 140, no 14; cf. Head 1911, 516.

16 PN Bitorix <*bito-rix ‘world-king’ (Pokorny 1959-1969, 468, 855): cf. Masson 1982.
Coin I (in London): BMC Pontus Cius, p. 132, no 27 (plate XXVIII fig. 15); Waddington, Babelon, and Reinach 1908, I. 2.315, no 22 (plate L3): line 3: ΠΡΟΥΣΙΕ. It was on the basis of this reading that the coin was entered into the Catalogue under the the city of ‘Cius’. M. J. Price (per litteras, 1981) read the third line as: ΠΡΟΥΣΙΕ, with nothing certain beyond the sigma.
Coin II (in Berlin): De Ricci 1912: line 3: ETΟΥΣ ΙΕ. De Ricci recognised that it was a duplicate of the London coin, but read the third line undotted and remarked, “on voit qu’il n’est plus question de Prusias (Προυσιε) mais de l’an quinze (ετους ιε) d’un dynaste” (494). However, in treating the PN Bitorix, Masson 1982 set the coin’s place of issue firmly back at Prusias ad mare (Kios), reading ΠΡΟΥΣΙΕ and dotting only the Π on the authority of a reading he had requested from H.-D. Schultz, Keeper of the Münzkabinett.
It will be noticed that the readings of the third line have been reversed over the years!

17 Str. 12.3.6; 12.3.35, before 30 BC

18 Robert 1946 and 1950. Kallatis and Crimean Chersonesos were, in fact, secondary foundations from Herakleia Pontica.

19 Mitchell has recently assembled the evidence for this aspect of Antony’s policy in Asia Minor: 1993 1.37-41. See also Marek 1993, 49-50. Zmertorix: BMC Phrygia etc. 213, Eumeneia, no 20-21, ca. 40-30 BC: ΦΟΥΛΟΥΙΑΝΩ ΖΜΕΡΤΟΡΙΓΟ ΦΙΛΩΝΙΔΟΥ.

20 Head 1911, 274. For examples of coin, BMC Thrace, pp. 21-22, s. v. Callatia. Magistrates at Kallatis: Robert 1946a, 51-53.

21 Allen 1980, 37: “The coin legends are, in fact, very largely confined to personal names, and, when complete, are nearly always in the nominative; only a handful are in the genitive”. The PN accompanying the magistrate’s title is always cast in the nominative on the coins of the Lixovii: e. g., CISIAMBOS/ARGANTODA.MAVPENNOS (i BC).

22 Celtic presence: Syll.3, 495, line 108 (Olbia, S. Russia, iii BC); I almost hesitate to mention a PN. Beitorigow, thematic o-stem version of Bitorix, near Odessos, some 50 miles S. of Kallatis (IGBulg., I2, 271 [p. 231-231, ii AD]). For a review of the archaeological evidence: Zirra 1979; Treister 1993; and more generally, Shchukin 1995.

23 Decree of the Delian Association of Poseidoniastai from Berytus: IDélos 1520.

24 Text I (AD 25): Cantineau 1931, with drawing, fig. 5; Cantineau 1933, 21, no 12, with photograph. Text II (AD 114): Chabot 1926, 3994; Hillers & Cussini 1995, 77, C3994.

25 Colbert de Beaulieu 1960.

26 Derivation from I.-E. * da- ‘teilen’ has been proposed: Pokorny 1959-1969, 176. For Celtic * arganto-/arcanto-: Lambert 1995, 45-46; Argantodannus: Fleuriot 1984.

27 Text: RIG II, 1, E-2, pp. 26-37. Cf. Lejeune 1977; also Fleuriot 1984, 37-38.

28 Lambert 1995, 76-78.

29 The Greek prefix argyro-is productive in substantives describing functions: e. g., ἀργυραμοιβός ἀργυρογνωμών, ἀργυροσκόπος – all with the meaning “assayer”; ἀργυποκόπος – “coiner”; ἀργυρολόγοι –financial officers at Samothrace.

Auteur

Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut

© Ausonius Éditions, 2007

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