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Regionalism in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor

 | 
Hugh Elton
, 
Gary Reger

Crossing Boundaries: Transhumance in the South-west Tauros in Antiquity

Thurstan Robinson

Texte intégral

  • 1 Braudel 1966; de Planhol 1958.
  • 2 Thus, Fowden 1990, sees transhumance as an element of the longue durée, being “almost as long-term (...)
  • 3 See, for example, Broughton 1938, 628: The villages “seem to be almost indestructible and have rem (...)
  • 4 For an overview of the debate about Italian transhumance, see Barker 1989, 1-19; see also Garnsey (...)
  • 5 The need for an understanding of transhumance in this region in antiquity is emphasized by Mitchel (...)

1Transhumant pastoralism – the seasonal movement of livestock and men between highland and lowland pastures – has been seen as an enduring, even essential bond between the various inhabitants of the mountains and lowland plains in south-west Turkey throughout history. Ferdinand Braudel, in general, and Xavier de Planhol, for the Southwest Tauros in particular, documented the relationship between highland and lowland, mobile pastoralist and sedentary agriculturist1. Hence, the temptation has been to take the outline of Braudel’s account, to fill it out with detail provided by De Planhol, and to project this picture back into antiquity regardless of the different races and cultures of the successive inhabitants of the region2. With varying degrees of confidence it has been proposed that in antiquity the Lykians, Pamphylians and Pisidians all practiced transhumance, and that this ancient tradition can still be observed in the seasonal movements of the dwindling numbers of semi-nomadic Yürüks from winter pastures (kışla) on the coast to summer pastures (yayla) in the Tauros mountains. The apparent timelessness of village life in Anatolia is beguiling and often commented upon; it is not surprising that transhumance is seen to belong to this changeless pattern3. The widespread practice of long-range transhumance in antiquity, however, in particular in Italy, has been questioned, and it has been convincingly argued that long-range transhumance constitutes a reasonable subsistence option only under certain limited economic and political circumstances. Nevertheless, skepticism remains almost entirely absent from the fleeting references to transhumance in south-west Turkey4. Yet the practice of transhumance on any scale in antiquity raises many questions about the inter-relationships between regions, cities, cities and their territories, different ethnic groups, and sedentary agriculturists and mobile pastoralists. Even if these questions cannot be definitively answered, an examination of the issues involved can help to illuminate the frequently under-emphasized complexities involved5.

  • 6 This seems to have been the practice at Myra in the sixth century AD, see Ševçenko & Ševçenko 1984
  • 7 For a discussion of various transhumant options, see Hütteroth 1982, 212-222, esp. fig. 64.
  • 8 Gallant 1991, 133-134.

2Transhumance itself is not a simple phenomenon. Mobile pastoralists may move within the same locality between lowland pastures and nearby mountains6; however, they may also move further afield to more distant mountain plateaus or to higher mountain pastures. “Normal” transhumance involves the movement of livestock and people to higher terrain during the summer months, but “inverse” transhumance also occurs, where highlanders move with their livestock to the lowlands for winter. Transhumant peoples may have permanent settlement structures in the highlands and the lowlands, in one region only, or they may have little or no permanent settlements at all (although settlement areas and migratory paths may become fixed for a multitude of different reasons)7. Finally transhumant pastoralists may form a separate community or tribe, or may be pastoralist elements of a settled agriculturist society. Most of the arguments against transhumance have been directed at the large-scale practice of long-range transhumance by a considerable proportion of a community. Hence they lose much of their force when deployed against different forms of transhumance; it is clear that it often makes sense for limited numbers of people from within a particular society to practice transhumance alongside the agricultural activities of their sedentary neighbors, as a form of insurance against local environmental or social conditions, a method of removing surplus population from a particular locality, and of employing land further afield that would otherwise remain unexploited8. That transhumance can survive alongside pastoralism is born out by records from Ottoman through to modern times for the region in antiquity roughly defined by Lykia, Pamphylia, Pisidia, the Milyas and the Kabalis. The environmental conditions of the region are clearly favorable to mobile pastoralism; the archaeological and literary evidence for transhumance in antiquity in the region is sparse, but likewise encouraging.

  • 9 See Robert 1949, 1955, 28-33, pl. vii, and 1960c, 578; Brixhe & Gibson 1982, 138-139, 141-143; Wae (...)
  • 10 Cribb1991, 65-66.
  • 11 Coulton 1992 and 1993a.
  • 12 Personal observation; Bean 1960, 43.

3Shepherding has never been a glamorous profession, and the few times ancient authors refer to Pisidia and the Milyas it is not for the most part to speak of agricultural practices but to describe incidents of violent confrontation. A small number of sheep and goat-herds to the north of Pisidia had the tools of their trade engraved on their funerary monuments, but in the rest of Pisidia, Pamphylia, Lykia, the Milyas and the Kabalis such testaments to animal husbandry are lacking9. We must look for evidence of transhumance in the archaeological record, and although the view that pastoralists are archaeologically invisible has been refuted, it is nevertheless extremely difficult to find and date many of the remains which semi-permanent campsites leave10. Stone-lined hearths, tent foundations and stone-built corrals are used, re-used and re-built and do not tend to have been built in a dateable style in the first place. However, a pastoral site dated by pottery remains to some time in the eighth to the sixth centuries BC, has been identified at Karlıağaç Kayası at an altitude of c. 1900 m about 2.5 km to the south-west of the later, probably Hellenistic foundation of Balboura in the Kabalis. Another possible pastoral site has been identified below the a cave above the village of Çaltılar approximately 10 km to the east, where there are also signs of occupancy during the eighth to sixth centuries BC11. Further sites have been discovered on a small yayla lying opposite the Pisidian town site at Panemoteichos, some 10 km to the north of Ariassos, although no shards were found at this site, and a site has also been identified to the north at the yayla of Demirli, and also at Girdev Gölü near the city of Oinoanda12.

  • 13 Hdt. 1.176.
  • 14 Metzger & Coupel 1963, 80, n. 23 (suggested by de Planhol 1958); Bean, 1978, 50; see also Robinson (...)

4Literary evidence for transhumance has been seen in Herodotos’ account of the sack of Xanthos in 545 BC when eighty families escaped slaughter because they were absent13. Treuber, Metzger, Bean and De Planhol have all conjectured that these families were summering flocks in the mountains as is the present-day practice14. However plausible this may be, it is insufficient evidence on which to base claims for the continuity of transhumance throughout antiquity in all regions of the Tauros; although, if Xanthians were migrating to summer pastures in the southern Kibyratis in 545 BC, it is likely that they continued to be able to do so for several centuries, as Xanthos grew more powerful under the Persians, and there is little sign in this period of peoples in the Kabalis numerous or powerful enough to withstand seasonal invasions of lowlanders. Lykian cities may have shared the mountain pastures, a practice attested by Thukydides (5.42) and Sophokles (Oed. Tyr., 1121) in mainland Greece.

  • 15 Strab. C 154.
  • 16 Melli provides a good example of changes in land-use: the land around Melli supports a sedentary p (...)
  • 17 Strab. 12.6.5; 12.7.1-3. Plin., Nat., 14.117; Liv. 38.15; on the produce of this region see Jameso (...)
  • 18 Timber was a source of revenue in this region in the mid-fifteenth century, as it is today; it is (...)
  • 19 Avienus, Descriptio Orbis, 1022 ff.
  • 20 On climate and environment, see de Planhol 1958, 23-64, and Hütteroth 1982, 96, 134-135. The moder (...)

5Literary evidence for Pisidia and the Milyas from this earlier time period is too slight to draw any conclusions, and what evidence we possess from the Hellenistic period appears initially not to encourage the notion that transhumance was widely practiced. In discussing Pisidia, Strabo, or rather his source, makes no mention of transhumance, whereas for other regions he describes mountain peoples forced into trade (and brigandage) with lowlanders because of the poverty of their own territory, and speaks also of the Ligurian highlanders exploiting the lowland plains (inverse transhumance)15. This argumentum ex silentio is strengthened by the fact that Strabo, and others, describes other Pisidian products. Strabo speaks of the agricultural activity of the mountain dwellers; he describes the fertility of the territory of Selge (both the highlands and the lower lying plains) which produced olives, storax-gum, orris-root ointment and good grazing grounds; Pliny mentions Selgean wine. However, Strabo’s inconsistent reporting may simply lie in his use of different sources. It may also be the case that the production of meat for local markets and the method by which this was done may not have struck the authors as noteworthy, after all no mention is made of how olives or grapes were grown. If transhumance was practiced, however, it should be clear that it was one of a multitude of subsistence options practiced. The rockiness, difficulty and even altitude of the highland landscape is frequently over-emphasized: many of the highland plains, lying for the most part between c. 1000-1200 m above sea-level (the plains of the Kibyratis are noticeably higher at an altitude of c. 1200-1700 m), are, in fact, quite suited to agriculture, and the mountain slopes in some areas (for example around the city site at Melli in southern Pisidia) show signs of ancient terracing to increase cultivatable land16. Livy described the territory of Sagalassos as rich and fertile, and the highlands plains today are widely cultivated17. Forestry too is likely to have provided many with a means of subsistence18. Avienus in the late fourth century AD described Pisidia as “pinguia culta”19. The shorter growing season in the highlands, however, makes some amount of pastoralism desirable or even necessary. Pastoralism provides a useful means of exploiting higher pastures and mountain slopes, which are not suited to agriculture. It is reasonable to suppose that these were used as grazing grounds in the summer months20.

  • 21 Hdt. 7.77; exceptionally, the Milyan custom of securing their cloaks with a fibula is perhaps visi (...)
  • 22 Bracke1993, esp. 16.
  • 23 Zahle 1980, 40.
  • 24 Studies of Lykia have tended to focus on the core elements of Lykian society, for the simple reaso (...)
  • 25 It is possible that the transhumant elements of Lykian society may have contained ethnic Milyans, (...)

6If some form of mobile pastoralism was practiced throughout this region, as the few archaeological sites so far discovered would tend to suggest, it is still not apparent who the pastoralists were, and thus how far they were moving with their herds. None of the transhumant sites so far discovered has been excavated, and, perhaps more importantly, although shards have been found, it is impossible to distinguish who was using the pottery: Milyans, Kabalians, Pisidians, Pamphylians or Lykians. We are faced with the problem that not only have nomadic sites not been looked for in any systematic fashion but that there is no way to recognize the “cultural identity” of the inhabitants of the sites. The highlands to the north of Pamphylia and Lykia were inhabited by a mixture of peoples: Pisidians, Solymians, Kabalians and Milyans. These groups appear to have been linguistically related, and Herodotos informs us that each race had a distinct style of dress, but these differences are invisible in the archaeological record21. An attempt has been made to define the Pisidians simply as the inhabitants of Pisidia, but as the boundaries of Pisidia itself are unclear, and must, at least in part be taken to mean the area inhabited by the Pisidians, the definition fails us precisely when most necessary; furthermore, it maintains an illusion of ethnic unity, and precludes discussion of differences between ethnic groups that were observed in antiquity22. The indicators of the best-studied of these ethnic groups, the Lykians, that have traditionally been employed to define the limits of Lykia – their distinctive tombs, inscriptions, and, to a lesser extent, coinage – are not as useful as has been assumed23. Lykian tombs and urban sites are indicative of certain elements of Lykian society: the wealthy and the urban dwellers24. It would not be surprising if Lykian nomadic pastoralists, peripheral elements of Lykian society, should look similar to the nomadic pastoral elements of the surrounding peoples. It may well be mistaken to speak of distinct ethnic groups engaging in transhumance in a region where, echoing Strabo (13.4.12), the different parts merge into one another and distinctions are hard to make; we do not know how a Pisidian distinguished himself from his neighbors, but a Pisidian shepherd may have had more in common with a Kabalian shepherd than with a Pisidian aristocrat (although similarity need not preclude hostility). We must be very cautious about making ethnic generalizations based on a small number of archaeological indicators25.

  • 26 Bean 1948, and Larsen 1956; for the date see R. M. Errington in SEG, 37, 1218.
  • 27 Hall & Coulton 1990; Coulton 1982.
  • 28 Coulton, 1993b, 83, n. 38.
  • 29 On Ariassos see Mitchell 1991; Mitchell et al. 1989.
  • 30 Coulton 1993, 84, n. 41.
  • 31 See Strab. 12.7.1-2.

7The Araxa inscription of c. 169 BC may mark a change in the political basis of the south-west Tauros26. The leader of highland Bubon, Moagetes sent raiders to abduct people, livestock and goods from lowland Araxa. Such behavior, on a smaller scale, may have been common, but the organized fashion of these raids almost certainly reflects a change in the political and ethnic organization of the highlands. The Araxa inscription not only speaks of a dispute with the Bubonians, but of an ongoing war with the Termessians. The second century BC appears to have seen a westward expansion of Pisidians from Termessos into the Kabalis, with the foundation of both Balboura and Oinoanda, as well as the erection of buildings to the north and south of the region that may have been forts or permanent farmsteads. The Hellenistic allotment list discovered at Balboura reveals the largest group of indigenous names associated with Pisidia, and the foundation of Termessos-near-Oinoanda during the same period is indicative of this Pisidian influx27. The erection of forts/farmsteads on these plains would have obstructed established patterns of movement28. The foundation of Ariassos, at the southern end of Pisidia, in c. 189 BC, which stands near the head of one of the principal passes into the highlands through which ran the major highway from the south coast to western Anatolia, would likewise have restricted access to the mountains from the south29. At the same time the Milyans of the Elmalı plain seem to have resisted the efforts of Lykians and Termessians alike, with the construction of forts at Avlan Gölü and Gilevgi, on the passes into the plain at the southeast and the north30. The obvious hostility of the Bubonians to the Lykians at this time would tend to indicate that relations between highlands and lowlands were not of a peaceful enough nature for transhumance on any scale to be viable. Perhaps, the forced amalgamation of Bubon, Balboura and Oinoanda into the Lykian League in 89 BC brought about a cessation of hostility, but as the Oinoandans assisted Brutus to attack the Xanthians in 42 BC, this seems unlikely. In such a period of expansion and consolidation in the highlands it may seem unlikely that significant numbers of lowlanders (if any) could have moved their flocks into the highlands with impunity. Many of the Pisidian cities are located on, or close to passes with access to the lowland plains, and it is difficult to believe that these notoriously belligerent peoples would countenance Pamphylian intrusion into the highlands; in which case we may conclude that the mountain pastures were exploited solely by highlanders31. The Pisidian cities were also frequently in conflict with one another; it is not unlikely therefore that transhumance was practiced within a city’s territory solely by those who paid allegiance to that particular city. Pastoralists from these cities may have used the mountain pastures near their cities in the summer months, moving down with their flocks into the lower-lying valleys or even into the lowland (Pamphylian) plains in the winter. This conclusion however may arise from a misconception.

  • 32 Wörrle 1988b.
  • 33 Kolb 1993.
  • 34 See also Tapper 1979.
  • 35 Gates 1994, 233-234.

8Our picture of Hellenistic Pisidia, the Kabalis, Milyas and Pamphylia, is focused on the urban centers, yet it is increasingly apparent that the cities were at the center of a network of small villages. Oinoanda in the second century AD is recorded as possessing thirty-five villages32; the Kyaneai survey in lowland Lykia has revealed a broad spread of settlements across the territory33; the Balboura survey in the Kabalis has revealed a similar, if less dense pattern, and preliminary survey of the territory of the Pisidian city of Sia has revealed a similar spread of settlements. The Hellenistic period, therefore, is likely to have become a “saturated milieu” in which transhumant routes became fixed with little scope for flexibility. The relationships of shepherds and settled farmers can be imagined to have involved all the usual difficulties of nomadic/settled relationships, regardless of the ethnic identities of the two groups. In modern Italy, nomadic shepherds, despite being of the same ethnic background, are recorded as having been treated with great distrust and suspicion by the villagers with whom they traded. In Turkey, the relationships of Yürüks and settled Turks were little different. In such a situation the ethnic origins of the transhumant shepherds matters little in their interactions with settled communities, their way of life makes them both useful and dangerous: it is what they do that matters and not where they come from34. It may be that we are misled by labels of ethnicity and of region, and that it did not matter where a shepherd had come from but rather with whom he traded, or where he wintered his animals. However, there is evidence to believe that herders were, at least sometimes, perceived as having ties to particular cities: the terms laid out in a recently discovered inscription resolving (amongst other things) a dispute over land-rights between Tlos and Oinoanda are indicative of a conflict arising from the encroachment of herders from one city onto the agricultural land of the other35.

  • 36 A Balbouran mercenary who died at Sidon in the late third-early second century BC may have been dr (...)
  • 37 In addition the Demostheneia inscription from Oinoanda in the early 2nd century AD lists a substan (...)
  • 38 The origins of the Lykian League are uncertain, the first explicit evidence of its existence is fr (...)

9The hostility of the Araxans, and the later hostility of the Oinoandans reflects competition between the regions: highlanders may have tried to continued their established practice of (inverse) transhumance, but with the additional population of Termessian immigrants the lowlanders may have been unwilling, or unable to accommodate them. Likewise, the upland plains may have been unable to support the new population in addition to lowland flocks. The highland population in particular must have experienced a rapid decline in the number of specialized pastoralists. If such a change was sudden it would have affected even those at the center of Lykian society, and it would surely have been fatal for many of those on the peripheries36. The Araxa inscription may well provide evidence of this painful transitional period. By the Roman period it seems clear that the inhabitants of the Kibyratis were reliant on agriculture for subsistence to support a significant urban population and to pay Roman taxes37. The Araxa inscription may represent a hiatus in a system of subsistence that had for the past half-century formed a link between the periphery of Lykian society and its hinterlands. The interactions between these mobile pastoralists from various cities and villages must have led to a constant round of disputes and reconciliations (of the kind seen in the newly discovered inscription from the Letoön); it may not be too much to suppose that the Lykian League itself may have arisen from such a hubbub of dispute38.

  • 39 Inalcik 1973, 38-41; Inalcik 1993, 97-136, esp. 106; Barkey 1994, 115-123, esp. 118 n. 83.

10Access to pasture and water constitutes a political as well as a physical problem, determined by ethnic, political, social and economic considerations. Throughout history, and regardless of region, transhumant pastoralists have coexisted in an often uneasy state of dynamic equilibrium with their sedentary neighbors. An example of the uneasy balance between pastoralist and agriculturist is evident in Ottoman times39. Nomadic groups were reliant upon trade with their sedentary cousins, and formed an important part of the army; nevertheless the question of how to deal with such mobile groups was a continuous problem both on a local and state level. Transhumance, often a precarious form of existence, is sensitive to political, economic and environmental changes, and it is, therefore, extremely unlikely that transhumant pastoralism should remain unchanged through the centuries. The history of transhumance is likely to be filled with land-disputes, outbreaks of violence and persistent animal-rustling. It is a small step from shepherd to bandit, as the Araxa inscription indicates. Population growth and the influx of new peoples into a region would exacerbate already existing problems. If transhumance was a way of life in the south-west Tauros in antiquity, it would be reasonable to expect a pattern of cooperation, coercion and mutual antagonism between and within population groups. Transhumance is a complex phenomenon dependent upon, and susceptible to political and environmental changes; the number of pastoralists at any one time must have depended on the ease of access to suitable pastures, climatic changes, and the viability and desirability of other means of subsistence. The balance between pastoralism and cultivation would have depended more on the balance of power than on optimal land-use. The Hellenistic period was one of great upheaval in the region; how greatly transhumant pastoralists were affected must have varied from locality to locality, and must have depended on how important ethnic, city, village or trading ties were perceived to be. To view transhumant pastoralists as an unchanging and indispensable link between highland and lowland is a mistake, although their actions, and actions taken against them may nevertheless at times have had far-reaching consequences, far greater perhaps than the perceived worth of those who transhumed.

Notes

1 Braudel 1966; de Planhol 1958.

2 Thus, Fowden 1990, sees transhumance as an element of the longue durée, being “almost as long-term as the landscape itself”, and states that the inhabitants of the valleys “in antiquity as now” escaped the summer heat by traveling to the highlands. Not all have been convinced of the longevity of transhumance in the western Tauros, see Hütteroth 1982, 207. De Planhol 1958, 209-210, also suggests that the rare double-village system of transhumance practiced in the Southwest Tauros was introduced by the Turks.

3 See, for example, Broughton 1938, 628: The villages “seem to be almost indestructible and have remained in all regions regardless of racial stock, political organization, vicissitudes of conquest, or degree of culture”.

4 For an overview of the debate about Italian transhumance, see Barker 1989, 1-19; see also Garnsey and Morris 1989; Garnsey 1988; Goldschmit 1979; Halstead 1987; Lewthwaite 1981.

5 The need for an understanding of transhumance in this region in antiquity is emphasized by Mitchell 1991b, 121: “Mountain and plain, Pisidia and Pamphylia, were inextricably bound together. Seasonal migration, transhumance, and mutually complementary economic conditions meant that neither could exist without the other. This complex relationship can be described in infinitely more detail by a modern geographer than by an archaeologist or a historian, but it is fundamental to an understanding of the region at all periods. It had cultural as well as economic and social ramifications”.

6 This seems to have been the practice at Myra in the sixth century AD, see Ševçenko & Ševçenko 1984.

7 For a discussion of various transhumant options, see Hütteroth 1982, 212-222, esp. fig. 64.

8 Gallant 1991, 133-134.

9 See Robert 1949, 1955, 28-33, pl. vii, and 1960c, 578; Brixhe & Gibson 1982, 138-139, 141-143; Waelkens 1977.

10 Cribb1991, 65-66.

11 Coulton 1992 and 1993a.

12 Personal observation; Bean 1960, 43.

13 Hdt. 1.176.

14 Metzger & Coupel 1963, 80, n. 23 (suggested by de Planhol 1958); Bean, 1978, 50; see also Robinson 1999, 1995. Further evidence of mobile population groups may be seen in the depiction on panel D of the Pinara “Royal Tomb” of three triangular constructions outside the city walls; these were identified by Childs as probably a “stylised river”; given the general realism of the relief it is perhaps more likely that they represent tents or temporary huts; see Childs 1978, 40.

15 Strab. C 154.

16 Melli provides a good example of changes in land-use: the land around Melli supports a sedentary population mainly dependent upon agriculture and forestry; however in the late fifteenth century AD it was almost entirely inhabited by nomads, with only two villages recorded; see Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivleri, Istanbul, Teke Liva Müsellem Survey, Tapu Defter 14 (late fifteenth century), 398-438.

17 Strab. 12.6.5; 12.7.1-3. Plin., Nat., 14.117; Liv. 38.15; on the produce of this region see Jameson 1965, esp. 250-282.

18 Timber was a source of revenue in this region in the mid-fifteenth century, as it is today; it is also interesting to note that it was the mobile yürüks who specialized in providing lumber in this region in the Ottoman period; see Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivleri, Istanbul, Teke survey, Maliyeden Müdevver Defteri 14 (H. 859/1455 AD), 255; Inalcik 1993, 11515.

19 Avienus, Descriptio Orbis, 1022 ff.

20 On climate and environment, see de Planhol 1958, 23-64, and Hütteroth 1982, 96, 134-135. The modern village of Kestel lying above the plain below the ancient site at Kaynar Kale provides a good example of mixed farming practices; some 10,000 goats and sheep are grazed on the mountain pastures at an altitude of c. 1200-2000 m from May to late September, while the lower-lying areas and the plain are used for agriculture.

21 Hdt. 7.77; exceptionally, the Milyan custom of securing their cloaks with a fibula is perhaps visible in one of the tomb paintings from Karaburun, Coulton 1993b, 81.

22 Bracke1993, esp. 16.

23 Zahle 1980, 40.

24 Studies of Lykia have tended to focus on the core elements of Lykian society, for the simple reason that the peripheral elements are hard to distinguish archaeologically. Nevertheless this omission leads to a distorted view of Lykian society. See Chase Dunn & Hall 1991, 18.

25 It is possible that the transhumant elements of Lykian society may have contained ethnic Milyans, Kabalians or Pisidians living as perioikoi of the lowland cities, see Robinson 1999.

26 Bean 1948, and Larsen 1956; for the date see R. M. Errington in SEG, 37, 1218.

27 Hall & Coulton 1990; Coulton 1982.

28 Coulton, 1993b, 83, n. 38.

29 On Ariassos see Mitchell 1991; Mitchell et al. 1989.

30 Coulton 1993, 84, n. 41.

31 See Strab. 12.7.1-2.

32 Wörrle 1988b.

33 Kolb 1993.

34 See also Tapper 1979.

35 Gates 1994, 233-234.

36 A Balbouran mercenary who died at Sidon in the late third-early second century BC may have been driven abroad in order to survive Macridy-Bey 1904, 550-551, n ° 1.

37 In addition the Demostheneia inscription from Oinoanda in the early 2nd century AD lists a substantial number of oxen (agricultural beasts of burden) to be provided by its villages. Wörrle 1988b, esp. 12 and 13, lines 72-79. See also Coulton et al. 1988, 139.

38 The origins of the Lykian League are uncertain, the first explicit evidence of its existence is from the early second century BC: if the Termessians prevented transhumance from Lykia, there would be too many flocks for the land, and animals would have to be slaughtered; herders would lose their livelihoods. This threat may have encouraged joint action by the Lykians. Bryce 1986, 102.

39 Inalcik 1973, 38-41; Inalcik 1993, 97-136, esp. 106; Barkey 1994, 115-123, esp. 118 n. 83.

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