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Regionalism in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor

 | 
Hugh Elton
, 
Gary Reger

Regionalism in Hellenistic and Roman Pisidia

Marc Waelkens et Lutgarde Vandeput

Texte intégral

  • 1 Bracke 1993, 15-16.
  • 2 Mitchell 1991b, 119-20, 122.

1Pisidia is the highland region of southern Turkey stretching north from Antalya into the Lake District of Burdur, EÏdir, and Beyşehir. Originally “Pisidia” was a geographical term, not an ethnic or administrative one1. Yet, the region, even geographically, could not be considered as a unity, but displayed widely varying landscapes: from rather large plains around Burdur and Beyşehir, to wild and remote mountain districts, especially in the southeast. Even the three major rivers (Kestros, Eurymedon and Melas), flowing from northern Pisidia towards the Mediterranean, did not offer easy lines of communication with the Pamphylian coast. Their deeply eroded valleys offered an obstacle, not access. The very dramatic landscape formed by the Western Tauros Mountains favored settlements in naturally well defended locations, most of the time controlling small valleys or plains. These geographical characteristics also help to explain why the Pisidians could not be considered as a united people. Despite a possible common origin, the area was inhabited by at least three tribes with various dialects: the dominant group was the Pisidians, while other tribes included the Solymoi and the Milyadeis who occupied the western fringes of the region. The last especially may have been very difficult to distinguish from other tribes in nearby districts. What these tribes had in common, however, was their war-like reputation, which sometimes was confused with being uncivilized or barbarian2.

  • 3 Mitchell 1991b, 123. In 2005m the Early Iron Age, already urban predecessor of Sagalassos was disc (...)
  • 4 Vanhaverbeke & Waelkens 2003, 18-53, 195-207; Vermoere 2004.
  • 5 Bracke 1993, 19; Mitchell 1991b, 121-125.

2The earliest history of the Pisidians remains a mystery. One of their earliest settlements, going back to the seventh-sixth century BC, was discovered at Panemoteichos (Bogaziçi)3. More recently, however, during the non-intensive surveys carried out in the territory of Sagalassos a fair number of Early Iron Age sites has been discovered. Some of them were fortified residences of local chieftains, whereas others already assumed the character of an ‘urban settlement’. The gradual emergence of larger settlements between the eighth and the fourth centuries BC could also be documented by a deforestation phase, affecting mainly black pine used as timber or cut down for expanding farming land4. During Archaic and Classical times, a system of independent city-states located on high mountain slopes, peaks or hilltops emerged. Some sense of unity can perhaps be inferred from the fact that already coalitions between cities were formed. When Selge in 333 BC chose to side with Alexander the Great, its rivals Sagalassos and Termessos immediately joined forces against him5.

  • 6 Bracke 1993, 17-19; Mitchell 1991b, 122-125.
  • 7 Kosmetatou 1997.
  • 8 For a recent overview, see Waelkens 2004.
  • 9 Mitchell 1991b, 123.
  • 10 Waelkens 2004.
  • 11 Kosmetatou & Waelkens 1997.
  • 12 Bracke 1993, 19-20.
  • 13 Bracke 1993, 22; Vandorpe 2000. The second part will be published in Ancient Society.
  • 14 de Bernardi-Ferrero 1969, 11-34; see now also Waelkens 2004.

3Even if Alexander managed to gain control over the area in 333-323 B. C., that of his successors Alketas (322-320 BC), Antigonos (320-301 BC), Lysimachos (301-281 BC), the Ptolemies, the Seleukids (281-189 BC) and eventually the Attalids (189-133 BC) over the region was far from being effective6. The various military campaigns, which they had to mount in Pisidia, are proof of the opposite. In fact, none of them managed to turn the Pisidians into a unified people, incorporated into the successive kingdoms or states which succeeded one another. Yet, the rule of the Hellenistic kings did favor a certain kind of unification among the various tribes and city-states, at least on the cultural level7. During the early Hellenistic period, surprisingly, this may have been achieved indirectly by military means. The war-like character of the Pisidians certainly continued, as is made clear by the well developed defense systems of the various cities, many of which go back to early Hellenistic times. The fortresses on the mountain peaks around Sagalassos may even go back to the pre-Hellenistic period8. These fortifications may be considered as much as a protection against foreign rulers, as the Achaios episode in 218 BC at Selge reveals, as providing safety against expansionist neighbors. Coalitions between cities, sometimes even involving Pamphylian neighbors, such as the coalition of Pednelissos, Etenna and Aspendos against Selge in 218 BC continued. Most of the cities were able to raise very large armies. During the Pednelessian war in 218 BC, Selge had 20,000 men in the field and the smaller city of Etenna some 80009. Yet, it is unlikely that these were all citizens of those cities and their territories10. The military prowess affected the area in two ways. First of all, the Seleukids tried to control it by military campaigns and by establishing colonies like Antiocheia and Seleukeia Sidera along the northern boundaries of the region. The popularity of Macedonian shields on osthotekai and public monuments in Sagalassos also suggests that Macedonian veterans may have been established in that city, perhaps by Antiochos II (against the Galatians) or by Antiochos III (to control the city)11. These settlers certainly contributed at least to some extent to the Hellenization of the area. The same must have been the case with the many Pisidians who served as mercenaries in the Seleukid and Ptolemaic armies until the Treaty of Apamea in 189 B. C. forbade the former to recruit beyond the Tauros Mountains12. These contacts with the Greek world quickly resulted in a fairly high level of Hellenization for many Pisidian cities, which just like the neighboring communities of Pamphylia abandoned their native dialects and adopted the koine Greek at least on their public inscriptions. This is illustrated by two fragments of what was perhaps a royal letter sent by Antiochos II after a rebellion at Sagalassos (mentioning archontes) and by a decree for Ptolemaic officials (dikastai) at Termessos13 dated to the year 281 BC. Both inscriptions are drafted in impeccable standardized Greek. Yet, in both cases, the nomenclature remained indigenous. Hellenization at first may have remained mainly an urban phenomenon. If part of the cavea of the theater at Termessos, as assumed by D. De Bernardi Ferrero, is early Hellenistic, the city would have possessed one of the oldest theaters in Asia Minor14.

  • 15 Bracke 1993, 20-21.
  • 16 Mitchell 1991b, 124; Devijver & Waelkens 1997, 296.
  • 17 Waelkens et al. 1997a, 127-30, fig. 33-36.
  • 18 Mitchell1991b, 126-128, fig. 2; 129-130; Waelkens et al. 1995, 23-25, figs. 1-11.

4Some of the cities may already have organized themselves as Greek poleis during this period in order to better maintain their autonomy. This was certainly the case with Selge, Sagalassos, and Termessos, which behaved as independent sovereign states. The first had already issued silver coins from as early as 370 BC, while Etenna followed at the latest in the third century BC15. Both Selge (218 BC) and Termessos (Alketas episode of 319 BC) seem to have been governed at first by a constitution which included a counsel of elders (geraioi) and an assembly of younger fighting men. The gerousia and geraioi of Imperial times at Sagalassos may go back to the early-Hellenistic period as well16. In 281 BC Termessos already had an “ekklesia kyria17. This demonstrates that these cities had acquired a rudimentary autonomous constitution. The construction of an early third century BC market building at Sagalassos also reflects an effort to provide the community with public storage during a siege or a famine18. These “democracies” certainly could not match their Greek counterparts, but a common form of semi-democratic governing and a Hellenized society clearly were developing in various Pisidian settlements.

  • 19 Mitchell 1991b, 128, 134, pl. 11:1; 136, pl. 14:2.
  • 20 Waelkens 2004.
  • 21 Mitchell 1991b, 129.
  • 22 Machatschek & Schwarz 1981, 89-93 figs 67-68 and pls. 17-19; Mitchell 1991b, 126 pl. 6:2-3 and 129 (...)
  • 23 Waelkens 2004.

5The foundation of Attaleia in 158 BC by Attalos II may have further stimulated Hellenization, which now also became clearly visible in the architecture. The trapezoidal agoras of Selge, Sagalassos and Termessos could reflect Pergamene prototypes, as was also thought to have been the case with the market buildings at Selge, Pednelissos and Adada19. Yet, recently it has become clear that the former may also reflect a local adaptation to the irregular topography, whereas the origin of the latter may go back to 3rd century BC Anatolian prototypes20. Attalos II (159-138 BC) donated a double stoa to the Termessians along the east side of their agora21. During the second century BC, both Selge and Termessos were believed to have received fine Ionic peripteral temples dedicated respectively to Zeus (or Herakles) and to Artemis. Yet, recent research suggests that the former may already go back to late Seleukid times, whereas the latter would have been dedicated to Zeus and although planned in the middle of the second century BC, only completed during the second century AD22. In fact, in general Atttalid rule may have had less impact on the urban developments in Pisidia than was previously assumed. A recent study even suggests that most of the public architecture of the region, including a large part of the fortification systems, in reality may go back to Roman republican rule (after 129 BC). Until the early first century BC, there seems to have been a period of recovery and of relative prosperity23.

  • 24 Bracke 1993, 22.
  • 25 Bracke 1993, 25 figs. 2-3 and 7; Mitchell 1991b, 29 pl. 7:2; 130-133 fig. 3; 134 fig. 4 and pl. 9: (...)
  • 26 Mitchell 1991b, 132, pl. 9:3 (Adada) and 135, pl. 12:2; Waelkens et al. 1997b, 23, fig. 12; Waelke (...)
  • 27 Bracke 1993, 25.

6The main priority of the cities still was to guarantee their autonomy and their right to self-determination, as is made clear by their efforts to construct impressive fortification and city walls. At the same time their constitutions acquired a more Greek character. Some cities still seem to have been ruled by a council of elders (Amlada at the time of Attalos II and III)24, but by the beginning of the 1st century BC, several major cities already possessed monumental bouleuteria, testifying to the fact that the “boule” had become an established part of governance (Sagalassos, c. 100 BC, Termessos c. 100 BC, Ariassos, 1st century BC)25. In other cities, for instance at Adada, the unidentified city site at Kapıkaya, and Sia, the civic agoras had provisions for political meeting places in the shape of flights of steps or seats, most of which most probably date from late Hellenistic times. In other places, large freestanding structures (Pednelissos, Adada) may also have had a political function26. A treaty concluded between Termessos and Adada for mutual assistance against an attack by a third party (the Attalids?) and for mutual help in order to protect “democracy” indicates that a certain sense of regional unity was growing27. All of this means that around the transition from the middle to the late Hellenistic period various Pisidian settlements had become true Greek cities, both in their institutions and in their appearance.

  • 28 Mitchell 1994, 95 and 97. A recently discovered Stadiasmos inscription from Patara, to be publishe (...)
  • 29 Bracke 1993, 23; Hall 1986.
  • 30 Von Aulock 1977-1979.
  • 31 Waelkens 1993d, 45 figs. 36-37; Waelkens 1993a, 9-12 figs. 1-8. The 1996 season, published in Wael (...)

7These developments continued during the reign of the Galatian king Amyntas (39-25 BC), when a growing sense of regional unity can be gathered from diplomatic collaborations among sometimes distant cities. Termessos may have played a major role in this: one of its citizens (Manesas) thus is honored by Sagalassos for services he had rendered them at a time of local unrest at the time of Amyntas (40-39 BC). Another citizen, Trokondas, was honored by the “Typalliotai” for intervening with Amyntas28. A few communities of the Milyadeis also had united themselves into a “commune” at the time of Cicero29. Greek civic institutions now had spread to smaller cities as well (bouleuterion and prytaneion at Ariassos), and many of them started to issue bronze coins30. Sagalassos received a distyle in antis Temple of Zeus and a Doric fountain house, Kremna a Doric pi-shaped market square. In general public architecture of the first century B. C. was rather smooth and simple. Yet, Greek friezes showing Pergamene influence appear at Termessos and Sagalassos31.

  • 32 Waelkens 1993d, 45. Two new honorific inscriptions from Sagalassos for Roman governors, published (...)
  • 33 Mitchell 1995a, 8; Waelkens et al. 1997b, 52-56.
  • 34 Waelkens 2002, 322-323.
  • 35 Vandeput 1993, 193-202; Waelkens et al. 1995, 41-49. For parallels of the Heroa and of architectur (...)

8When Augustus incorporated Pisidia in 25 BC into his province of Galatia, he found largely Hellenized, sometimes already thriving communities, some of which at least may not have been much different from the coastal cities of Pamphylia. Yet the Romans did not yet perceive Pisidia as a regional entity. It would be divided several times among the changing provinces of Galatia, Asia and Lycia-Pamphylia32. The enlargement of the territories of some of the major cities, like Sagalassos and Kremna, at the expense of some smaller communities such as Keraitai33, as well as the establishment of Roman colonies and the creation of a good road system34 would eventually affect the former balance between the various Pisidian communities. Some, like Selge, dwindled into oblivion, while others like Sagalassos started to flourish. The great variety of honorific monuments at Sagalassos during the Julio-Claudian period thus reflects a thriving municipal life and the success of local euergetism. Some of these monuments, like honorific pillars continued Hellenistic traditions; others, such as a specific motives (e. g. rich tendril and garland friezes reflecting the golden age initiated by Augustus’ rule) reflected western influences, or corresponded with developments in the big cities along the West Coast or the building activities at nearby Pisidian Antioch, the largest Roman colony in Asia Minor35. All of this shows that some of the major Pisidian cities were participating fully in the urban developments of Asia Minor. This is particularly clear at Sagalassos, which during Julio-Claudian times was transformed into a very rich provincial city possessing an impressive public architecture, carried out in the opulent Corinthian order, which stood in sharp contrast with the rest of Pisidia.

  • 36 Waelkens 1993d, 45-46 figs. 40-43; Waelkens et al. 1997a, 173-84, 208 figs. 110-29, 166-71; Vandep (...)

9There, the more simple Doric architecture of Hellenistic times continued to be used until the early second century AD36.

  • 37 Mitchell 1991a; Mitchell 1996, 20; Waelkens 2002, 329-348.
  • 38 Waelkens et al. 1997a, 182 figs. 129, 131; Vandeput 1997b, pl. 70: 1-2. Krencker & Schede 1936, pl (...)
  • 39 Waelkens 1993d, 46; Vandeput 1997b, 22-3, 55-7. The west portico of the Lower Agora has only been (...)

10Thus, some form of regionalism still prevailed in the area. First of all, as already mentioned above, some smaller communities like Ariassos, Sia, but even larger ones like Kremna (an Augustan colony) and Adada, do not seem to have followed the same building boom and continued to display a plainer type of civic architecture37. Architectural decoration clearly maintained some regional traits as well. Weapon friezes on public monuments continued the Hellenistic tradition, as on the arches of the Upper Agora at Sagalassos and the sarcophagi of many Pisidian cities. Other features, like the high upper wall friezes on the northwest Heroon at Sagalassos and the Temple for Augustus at Yalvaç, may reflect a regional adaptation of an imported element38. In general, the Flavian period and the early second century AD seem to reflect a period of stagnation in Pisidia, perhaps caused by natural catastrophes such as earthquakes and famine. As a result, the public architecture from this period is hardly documented and seems to have been rather plain, even at Sagalassos. The Odeon and the rebuilt Temple of Apollo Klarios as well as the porticoes of the Lower Agora in this city clearly illustrate this by abandoning the rich Corinthian architecture of the previous period in favor of a plain, undecorated Ionic order39.

  • 40 Boëthius & Ward-Perkins 1970, 405-406.
  • 41 Waelkens 1993d, 45 fig. 46; Vandeput 1997b, 89-95, 100-6; Waelkens et. al. 1997a, 136-162 figs. 49 (...)
  • 42 Machatschek & Schwarz 1981, 82-4; Mitchell 1995a, 152-8; Waelkens et al. 1997a, 199-205 figs. 156- (...)
  • 43 Waelkens et al. 1990, 193 fig. 6; Machatschek & Schwarz 1981; Mitchell 1995a, 123-38; Waelkens 200 (...)
  • 44 Vandeput 1997b, 83-88, pl. 36, 1-3.
  • 45 Mitchell 1995a, 91-6 fig. 23, pl. 35.
  • 46 Vandeput 1997b, 78 pl. 35: 1-2.
  • 47 Mitchell 1995a, 107-8 fig. 28, pl. 48.
  • 48 Mitchell 1991b, 191-2; Brandt 1992, 5-7.
  • 49 The oldest example known thus far seems to be the Hadrianic temple N1 at Side: Vandeput 1997b, 103 (...)
  • 50 Waelkens 2002.

11From Hadrian onward, however, Pisidia reached a peak in its prosperity. Most cities now witnessed a real building boom. In some of the smaller communities, like Adada, Sia and Ariassos, the architecture still remained rather plain and simple (see note 37), but the largest cities fully participated in the urban developments of Asia Minor at large. Aediculated facades, reflecting the rich “marble style” of the West and South coast40, appear now at Sagalassos in the Hadrianic and Severan nymphaea on the Lower and the Antonine nymphaeum on the Upper Agora, in the nymphaeum at Selge, and in the Severan gateway at Kremna41. Impressive bath buildings and theaters were found throughout the cities42. The main streets at Sagalassos, Selge, and Kremna were framed with colonnades43. In general, decorative schemes also reflected the developments elsewhere in Asia Minor. As a result, the larger Pisidian communities may eventually have acquired an appearance, which hardly distinguished them from the other major settlements in Asia Minor. Yet a closer look must still have revealed some local or regional traits. Rock-cut tombs of the arcosolium type belonged to this category. It was especially in the field of architectural decoration that regional features and traditions continued. Large wall friezes remained popular, as is proven by the Dionysos Temple at Sagalassos44 and the Temple for Antoninus Pius at Kremna45. Flutes with a row of acanthus leaves displayed in front of them, an arrangement that elsewhere only occurs on capitals, became popular as a frieze type during the first half of the second century AD. The arrangement occurs for instance on the Hadrianic propylon of the Temple for Antoninus Pius at Sagalassos46, on the propylon near the agora at Kremna, and on the larger Corinthian temple at Termessos47. At the same time, weaponry continued to be depicted on public monuments, such as in the Roman baths at Sagalassos, a heroon at Sia, and many sarcophagi at Sagalassos and Termessos. But the architectural decoration of this period also reflects close ties between Pisidia and Pamphylia, strongly depending on one another economically as well48. A Pamphylian type of bead-and-reel with beads alternating with a single reel and a pair of reels, in order to avoid elongated beads, thus occurs on a probably Hadrianic temple at Kremna, and a middle Antonine nymphaeum at Sagalassos49. However, ancient visitors or travelers can hardly have noticed such details. If urbanism and art thus hardly reflected any regionalism any more, the idea of being a separate district was still alive in the fierce competition between the major cities in order to acquire the title of being the “first city of Pisidia”50. During the late-Roman period, monumental construction seems to have decreased considerably and whatever was built during this period hardly shows no regional traits. The latter could only be found to some extent in the tomb types.

  • 51 Bracke 1993, 23-24.

12On the whole Roman rule in Pisidia thus completed the developments already started in the Hellenistic period, whereby the Pisidian communities gradually became amalgamated into a larger cultural entity which erased most regional traits. Towards the end of the third century AD most Pisidian cities may have been hardly distinguishable from their neighbors or other communities in Asia Minor. Regional features were mainly confined to some tomb types and to details of architectural decoration. Hellenistic and Roman rule thus eventually managed to fully integrate the various tribes of the region called “Pisidia” into a cultural and urban koine in which they lost most of their regional features and traditions. Some rural districts still may have spoken Pisidian dialects51, but the larger cities were largely Hellenized in language and nomenclature. The idea of being a separate region mainly lived on in the competition to become the dominant city of Pisidia. When Diocletian for the first time created a province called Pisidia, this must have been a military and administrative decision, rather than an official recognition of the existence of a separate region.

Notes

1 Bracke 1993, 15-16.

2 Mitchell 1991b, 119-20, 122.

3 Mitchell 1991b, 123. In 2005m the Early Iron Age, already urban predecessor of Sagalassos was discovered at T. Düzon, c. 1-8 km to the southwest of the current site.

4 Vanhaverbeke & Waelkens 2003, 18-53, 195-207; Vermoere 2004.

5 Bracke 1993, 19; Mitchell 1991b, 121-125.

6 Bracke 1993, 17-19; Mitchell 1991b, 122-125.

7 Kosmetatou 1997.

8 For a recent overview, see Waelkens 2004.

9 Mitchell 1991b, 123.

10 Waelkens 2004.

11 Kosmetatou & Waelkens 1997.

12 Bracke 1993, 19-20.

13 Bracke 1993, 22; Vandorpe 2000. The second part will be published in Ancient Society.

14 de Bernardi-Ferrero 1969, 11-34; see now also Waelkens 2004.

15 Bracke 1993, 20-21.

16 Mitchell 1991b, 124; Devijver & Waelkens 1997, 296.

17 Waelkens et al. 1997a, 127-30, fig. 33-36.

18 Mitchell1991b, 126-128, fig. 2; 129-130; Waelkens et al. 1995, 23-25, figs. 1-11.

19 Mitchell 1991b, 128, 134, pl. 11:1; 136, pl. 14:2.

20 Waelkens 2004.

21 Mitchell 1991b, 129.

22 Machatschek & Schwarz 1981, 89-93 figs 67-68 and pls. 17-19; Mitchell 1991b, 126 pl. 6:2-3 and 129. For the date of the temple at Selge, see also Waelkens 1988. For the more recent dates of the Pisidian religious architecture, see Waelkens 2004.

23 Waelkens 2004.

24 Bracke 1993, 22.

25 Bracke 1993, 25 figs. 2-3 and 7; Mitchell 1991b, 29 pl. 7:2; 130-133 fig. 3; 134 fig. 4 and pl. 9:5; Waelkens 1993d, 43-4 figs. 24-29; Waelkens et al. 1995. For the most recent dates, see Waelkens 2004.

26 Mitchell 1991b, 132, pl. 9:3 (Adada) and 135, pl. 12:2; Waelkens et al. 1997b, 23, fig. 12; Waelkens 2004.

27 Bracke 1993, 25.

28 Mitchell 1994, 95 and 97. A recently discovered Stadiasmos inscription from Patara, to be published by S. Sahin, mentions a place called Typallia in Northeast Lykia, to the west of Termessos. Unless there was a second city with a similar name, near Sandalion, the Typalliotai from the Termessos inscription henceforth should be considered as Lykians, not as Pisidians.

29 Bracke 1993, 23; Hall 1986.

30 Von Aulock 1977-1979.

31 Waelkens 1993d, 45 figs. 36-37; Waelkens 1993a, 9-12 figs. 1-8. The 1996 season, published in Waelkens & Loots 2000, confirmed a first century BC date for the temple which probably was dedicated to Zeus and not to Kakasbos. Waelkens 1993b; Waelkens et al. 1995, 47-53 figs. 1-7; Waelkens et al. 1997b, 110-114 figs. 11-16. A first century BC date for the construction could be confirmed by the 1997 campaign: Waelkens et al. 1997a, 312-324. For Kremna: Mitchell 1995a, 29-41. Friezes: Bracke 1993, 25; Waelkens 1993d, 44 figs. 20-22. The famous friezes with the dancing girls from the northwest Heroon, previously dated to the late second century BC, could be attributed to the Augustan period. See Waelkens et al. 1997a, 173-84 figs. 118-128.

32 Waelkens 1993d, 45. Two new honorific inscriptions from Sagalassos for Roman governors, published in Sagalassos VI, indicate that from the late first to the beginning of the second century AD Sagalassos belonged to the provincia Asia; Waelkens 2002, 322-328.

33 Mitchell 1995a, 8; Waelkens et al. 1997b, 52-56.

34 Waelkens 2002, 322-323.

35 Vandeput 1993, 193-202; Waelkens et al. 1995, 41-49. For parallels of the Heroa and of architectural ornementation of Ephesos, see Waelkens et al. 1997a, 173-84; Kosmetatou et al. 1997, 353-66; Alzinger 1974. For a more recent overview of the urban development of Pisidia in Imperial times, see. Waelkens 2002.

36 Waelkens 1993d, 45-46 figs. 40-43; Waelkens et al. 1997a, 173-84, 208 figs. 110-29, 166-71; Vandeput 1997b, 50-63. The Propylon of the Doric Temple: Waelkens et al. 2000; Waelkens 2002.

37 Mitchell 1991a; Mitchell 1996, 20; Waelkens 2002, 329-348.

38 Waelkens et al. 1997a, 182 figs. 129, 131; Vandeput 1997b, pl. 70: 1-2. Krencker & Schede 1936, pls. 20, 22; Vandeput 1997b, pl. 68: 3; Waelkens 2002, 334.

39 Waelkens 1993d, 46; Vandeput 1997b, 22-3, 55-7. The west portico of the Lower Agora has only been excavated in 1997. Its entablature clearly reflects that of the restoration of the Apollo Klarios Temple in the years AD 103-104. See also Waelkens 2002. The same undecorated type of architecture (although not necessarily of the Ionic order) was also used for a honorific monument dedicated to the city and the emperor Trajan, as well as for the nymphaeum along the north side of the Lower Agora, built during his reign and excavated in 2001-2002; Waelkens 2002, 344-348.

40 Boëthius & Ward-Perkins 1970, 405-406.

41 Waelkens 1993d, 45 fig. 46; Vandeput 1997b, 89-95, 100-6; Waelkens et. al. 1997a, 136-162 figs. 49, 57-90; Vandeput 1997a. Selge: Machatschek & Schwarz 1981, 66-70, pl. X. Kremna: Mitchell 1995a, 112-17. See also Waelkens 2002, 356-358.

42 Machatschek & Schwarz 1981, 82-4; Mitchell 1995a, 152-8; Waelkens et al. 1997a, 199-205 figs. 156-162; Waelkens 2002, 349--351.

43 Waelkens et al. 1990, 193 fig. 6; Machatschek & Schwarz 1981; Mitchell 1995a, 123-38; Waelkens 2002, 348-355. The 2005-2006 campaigns at Sagalassoi identified the colonnated meeting house as Tiberian.

44 Vandeput 1997b, 83-88, pl. 36, 1-3.

45 Mitchell 1995a, 91-6 fig. 23, pl. 35.

46 Vandeput 1997b, 78 pl. 35: 1-2.

47 Mitchell 1995a, 107-8 fig. 28, pl. 48.

48 Mitchell 1991b, 191-2; Brandt 1992, 5-7.

49 The oldest example known thus far seems to be the Hadrianic temple N1 at Side: Vandeput 1997b, 103, pls. 113:3; 114:1. Kremna: Mitchell 1995a, 86-91 pl. 30; Vandeput 1997b, pl. 91:3. Sagalassos: Vandeput 1997b pls. 42:6; 43:1-2; 103.

50 Waelkens 2002.

51 Bracke 1993, 23-24.

Auteurs

Director British Institute of Archaeology, Ankara

© Ausonius Éditions, 2007

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