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Regionalism in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor

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Hugh Elton
, 
Gary Reger

Karia: A Case Study

Gary Reger

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  • 1 See for example the recent synoptic article of Blümel 1998.

1We are used to thinking of Karia in southwestern Asia Minor as a separate and identifiable region within the western Anatolian world. Regional scholarship organizes itself around this concept1, and can point to ancient sources like Homer or Herodotos as evidence that the Greeks too saw this space this same way. As we shall see, matters are not so simple. A fourteenth-century CE a Byzantine list of bishops includes an entry for “The (bishop) of Stauroupolis, of all Karia”. Stauroupolis was ancient Aphrodisias, seat of the Karian bishopric from late antiquity. At this late date, when much of what had been Byzantine western Asia Minor had fallen to various Turkic conquerors, there is no list of suffragans, but earlier lists of suffragans do consist of towns that, with one or two exceptions, would have been regarded as Karian by Strabo or any other ancient geographer. What is the source of this striking survival of Karian regional identity well into the late mediaeval world?

  • 2 Il., 2.867-869; cf. 4.142, 10.428.
  • 3 FGrH III B 501 F5; cf. Costa 1997, 43-44.

2The Karians are first named in Homer, fighting with the Trojans as a unit under their king Nastes; they are situated at Miletos, in the Maiandros valley, and around the mountains Phthira and Mykale2. Herodotos knows two opinions about the origin of the Karians: their own, that they were autochthonous mainlanders (1.171.5), and the Kretans’, that they originated on the islands as warriors for Minos, whose thalassocracy depended on their fighting spirit (1.171.3-4). According to Thucydides Minos expelled the Karians from the islands and settled them himself. Both versions appear, garbled or elaborated, in later authors. Diodoros claims that, two generations before Theseus, the Karians settled the island of Naxos, which they took over after the Thrakians had abandoned it, from “Latmia”, which can only be the area around Mt. Latmos (5.51.3); he also claims a Karian thalassocracy after the Trojan War which resulted in Karian settlement at Ouranion in the Halikarnassian peninsula (5.84.3-4; 5.53.2)3.

  • 4 Hdt. 1.171.2-5. Hornblower 1982, 2 claims that Herodotos’ view is “vindicated by archaeology”, but (...)

3Herodotos’ final verdict is that the Karians were originally Kretan, subjects of Minos. There is some support for this view4.

  • 5 Hdt. 5.118-121, 6.25.2 (reduction). For recent accounts of the revolt, see For a recent account, s (...)
  • 6 Hdt. (1.171.2) makes “Karian” and “Lelegian” synonymous (also Paus. 7.2.8), but it seems clear to (...)
  • 7 Shipley 1987, 29-30; cf. Hornblower 1982, 12.
  • 8 Philippos of Theangela, FGrH 741 F 2. See Hornblower 1982, 12-13.

4It is in Herodotos’ account of Karian participation in the Ionian Revolt that the Karians emerge most clearly as a unified group. They met together at “White Pillars” to plan resistance to the Persians and fought together as a group in three battles. Herodotos speaks here only of “the Karians” and stresses their unity through their shared worship of Zeus Stratios at Labraunda, to whom, he says, Karians are the only ones to sacrifice. It is only in the final Persian reduction of Karia that Herodotos mentions the Karian cities – though none by name5. There are other similar traces of “the Karians”. Strabo says that they and the Lelegians6 possessed Ionia until the Ionians expelled them after the Trojan War. It is possible that Valerius Maximus preserves a scrap of detail about this event. He records an appeal by Priene to Samos for help in a war “against the Karians”, adversus Caras (1.5, De omin., ext. 1). Graham Shipley connects this testimony to the Meliac War, which he dates to before 700 BC; Melia, he thinks, was predominantly Karian at the time7. If it is right to accept both the tales of Karians and Lelegians fighting together (as in Strabo 7.7.2) and the claim that the Karians reduced the Lelegians to serfs8, then it is possible that the struggle against their former allies had the same effect of reinforcing group identity among the Karians as subjugating the Helots did for the Spartans.

  • 9 For a recent mis-à-point, see the papers in Giannotta et al. 1994. For the dates, see Meier-Brügge (...)
  • 10 Tralleis, Euromos, Chalketor, Ancin, Kindye, Hyllarima, Sinuri, Kildara, Stratonikeia, Eski Çine, (...)
  • 11 FGrHist 741 F 1. For the grounds for dating Philippos, see Hornblower 1982, 88-89 n. 75.
  • 12 See the recent, very complete list of indigenous names in Karia collected by Blümel 1992a; they ar (...)
  • 13 The view of Robert 1963, 82, requires now some nuancing.

5The Karians also shared a common language, not yet fully deciphered but abundantly attested throughout Karia (and elsewhere, notably in Egypt) from the seventh century BC through the fourth (and possibly into the third)9. Karian inscriptions are most abundant in the fifth and fourth centuries. They have been found at sixteen sites throughout Karia10. Karian was undoubtedly spoken more widely, and later, than our limited written evidence attests. Strabo seems to imply that Karian was still spoken in his own day (14.2.28), but his source on the language, Philippos of Theangela11, may have been writing anytime between Alexander and Strabo himself, whose knowledge may therefore be entirely antiquarian. Moreover, Karian names like Thyssos, Koldoba, and Silbou occur through the Hellenistic period and even into Roman times at Mylasa, Stratonikeia, and many other Karian towns. In many cases persons bore dual indigenous and Greek names. Unlike Hellenistic and Roman Egypt, where “adopting Egyptian names... [is a] symptom... of adaptation to the native environment” by Greek and Makedonian settlers12, in Karia it is rather a case of persistence in a local population with deep roots of the continued existence of a Karian, as opposed to wholly Hellenized, identity13.

  • 14 FGrH 26 Konon F 1 para II: “the Karians, a great ethnos living in villages”; Str. 14.2.23 on Mylas (...)
  • 15 Hdt. 1.171.6; Hornblower 1982, 55-62.
  • 16 On the League see Gabrielsen 2000, 157-161 for a recent review. For the frieze at Lagina, see the (...)

6Karian settlement patterns were distinctive enough to Greek eyes to call for comment on Karian life in villages, kômai, which were sometimes associated with independent sanctuaries like Labraunda near Mylasa – though we know that this pattern repeats across much of Asia Minor14. These villages were tied together in the distinctive Karian koina, religious associations that provide the last, and in many ways most important, structure for Karian ethnic identity. The Karian league, which existed from at least the late sixth century, worshipped Zeus Karios at a sanctuary at Mylasa. The league would have been an important component of the Hekatomnids’ claim to ruling Karia if Simon Hornblower has argued correctly that they occupied its chief office, the basileus tôn Karôn15. The other great Karian koinon, the Chrysaoric League, was centered on Stratonikeia in later Hellenistic times but may have begun at Labraunda; its organization by villages reflected the realities of Karian social life before the transformation of Karian settlements into poleis, even if the League itself was, as is probable, a Ptolemaic creation. Zeus Labraundeus, the god of Labraunda, was recognized and worshiped all over Karia. Finally, the temple of Hekate at Lagina, built in the later second century BC, included in its friezes a powerful advertisement of Karian unity focused on her cult16.

  • 17 Claud. Ptol. 5.2.9, 18-20; Str. 14.1.39-2.29. See also Ps.-Skylax 98-99 (GGM I, p. 72).
  • 18 Diod. 14.36.3 and Str. 14.1.42 place Tralleis outside of Karia; Xen., Hell., 3.2.19, within. Karia (...)
  • 19 12.8.15, Loeb trans. by H. L. Jones; cf. also 13.4.12.
  • 20 For this approach see Marchese 1986, esp. 1.14-46.

7The ties of history, language, and religion created Karian identity; that identity secondarily defined a physical space, “Karia”, which existed as a region because the Karians lived there. The fact that the definition of Karia as a physical space depended on the identity of Karians as human beings helps to explain why the boundaries of Karia were fuzzy. Claudius Ptolemy and Strabo disagree famously on what cities to include in their Karia17. Ancient writers debated whether Tralleis, “a part-Greek, part-Karian city” situated just north of the Maiandros river, was in Karia or not; indeed, the whole river valley has been described as the locus of a “mixture of races”, and it was far from clear where on the river the line should be drawn18. Strabo’s waffling (which reflects in part his understanding of local history) encapsulates the problem perfectly: the Maiandros “forms the boundary between Caria and Lydia at the Plain of Maeander, as it is called... [a] nd at last it flows through Caria itself, which is now occupied by Ionians...”19. The Maiandros can just as easily be a unifier as a divider, the center of a fertile valley bounded by mountains and occupied by a great mishmash of ethnic groups, of whom the Karians are but one20. These difficulties are all easily explained when the regional unity of Karia is regarded as based on the ethnic identity of the Karians, and not the physical space they occupied.

  • 21 See the references for Peschlow at n. 6.
  • 22 See Vita S. Pauli Iunioris 4, in Milet III 1. Der Latmos (Berlin 1913), p. 106-107; Miklosich and (...)

8The slipperiness of presupposing physical features to serve as “logical” regional boundaries can be illustrated in another way by looking at Mt. Latmos. This imposing and rugged mountain rises to 1200-1300 m; it seems a perfect barrier. Yet it was Karian on both sides. Recent work by Anneliese Peschlow has revealed a lattice of well-built roads throughout the mountain that connect Herakleia with Amyzon and points beyond21. It should be no surprise that human needs trumped geography, as indeed a millennium later the mountain was laden with monks who crossed it easily and disputed its ownership, as when, in AD 1196, the monks of the monastery of St. Paul claimed that the monks of the monastery of Lampronios had encroached on the parts of the mountain that belonged to them. The case had to be adjudicated by an imperial official appointed by the emperor22.

  • 23 Amorges: Ruzicka 1992, 10. Tissaphernes: Ruzicka 1985, 204-207 (see also 1992, 13) against Hornblo (...)
  • 24 Hornblower 1982, 2.
  • 25 Louis (sometimes with Jeanne) Robert remarked many times on the “backwardness” of eastern Karia in (...)

9The Karians’ ethnic identity provided the scaffolding not only for the region of Karia as a geographical unit, but also for the construction of a political identity, which itself coincided more or less with the physical region. Though we hear about the Karians working together in Homer and other sources for the earlier Archaic period, the first historical political action we know in any detail is resistance to the Persians during the Ionian Revolt. That action was mediated through the primary Karian koinon, the Karian League, under the leadership of its basileus. No one knows whether the rebel Amorges controlled more of Karia than his seat at Iasos in 412 BC, or whether Tissaphernes ruled Karia as a satrapy for a few years at the end of the fifth century (c. 405/404-401)23. In any case, with the Hekatomnid satrapy of the fourth century BC Karia certainly emerges as a quasi-independent political entity. Hekatomnid Karia was, as Simon Hornblower has stressed, “a political, not a geographical expression”24, but this political identity helped to create the structure on which Karia as a region was hung in subsequent centuries25.

  • 26 Ps.-Arist., Oik., 2.2.31 (1351b36-1352a8), probably the same man as in Arrian, Anab., 7.23.1, 24.1 (...)
  • 27 Billows 1990, 120-121.
  • 28 See generally Billows 1995, 90-96, with full references to the sources and literature.
  • 29 Reger 1999, 86.
  • 30 Meadows 1996 and Ma 1996. See now generally Ma 1999, passim.
  • 31 Pol. 21.24.7; Liv. 37.55.5. See, for example, the decree of Apollonia under Salbake, L. and J. Rob (...)
  • 32 Cohen 1995, 268-272.
  • 33 Robert 1937, 552-555 contra Webb 1996, 114. See n. 16.

10The notion that Karia might form the basis of a quasi-or fully independent political entity survived for a good 200 years, sometimes supporting and sometimes obstructing the construction of political power. Instances of the first role appear in the satrapy itself, which continued after Mausollos’ death in the hands of his siblings, and then under Philoxenos26. Antigonos Monophthalmos organized Karia as a satrapy for a decade before Ipsos27. One after the other the local dynasts Asandros, Pleistarkhos, and Eupolemos carved out tidy little principalities for themselves on the same basis28. The late third-century figure Olympichos, whose career has been marvelously illuminated by the inscriptions found at Labraunda, managed to disentangle himself largely from the claims of suzerainty of Antiochos III and Philip V; his ultimate goal, unrealized in the end, was clearly to bring all Karia under his authority29. A. R. Meadows and John Ma have recently, and to my mind cogently, argued that both the Ptolemies and the Seleukids administered their slices of Karia as provinces, not as a collection of cities30. The sense of “Karia” survived: in 189 BC, when the Romans granted “Karia” as a block to the Rhodians in reward for their loyalty in the struggle against Antiochos III, everyone knew what this meant – most especially the Karians whose fate had been so determined31. After the removal of Rhodian suzerainty in 167 BC, the Karians advertised this identity powerfully in the friezes of the temple of Hekate at Lagina (controlled by the Makedonian foundation of Stratonikeia32), which depict on the south side heroes and gods of the Karian cities and sanctuaries33.

  • 34 Louis Robert never published his case that the temple of Zeus located at Mylasa was dedicated to Z (...)
  • 35 Ada at Alinda: Arrian, Anab., 1.23.8. Olympichos at Alinda: Laumonier 1934, 291-298, no 1.
  • 36 J. and L. Robert, 1983, 99-101; Robert 1936a, 69-86, no 52.

11Another aspect of this situation appears in the fact that Karia did not have a single political center. Though the cult center of the koinon of Zeus Karios was on Mylasean territory34, the koinon itself met at various sites, and by the Hellenistic period was probably not regarded as a central place, given especially the competition from the cults situated at Stratonikeia. Mausollos and his successors ruled from Halikarnassos (having moved themselves from Mylasa), but his sister Ada, expelled from Halikarnassos by her brother Pixodaros, ruled with Alexander’s support from Alinda, where she had established herself; Alinda was also Olympichos’ seat35. Asandros ruled from Mylasa while Eupolemos favored Theangela36.

  • 37 The standard view, neatly expressed by Magie 1950, 2.1044 n. 30, situates the absorption in the af (...)
  • 38 IK, 22.1-Stratonikeia, 505 l. 55-58 with Sherk 1969, 105-111, no 18.
  • 39 IG, XII, 3, 177 l. 11-12 (IGRom, 4,1033); his stopover in Tralleis is recorded in IK, 36.1-Trallei (...)
  • 40 TAM, 2, 508.20 (IGRom 2.681; Migeotte 1987, no 110). Lines 7-18 are republished in Robert 1940, 14 (...)
  • 41 IGRom, 3, 814a5.
  • 42 IK, 21-Stratonikeia, 21 (see now Rigsby 1996, 423-427); 22 (Rhodians), 25 (Alinda), 27 (Nysa), 30 (...)
  • 43 Maiuri 1925, 562: “M (arcus) Ulpius Aug(usti) lib(ertus) Stephanus proc(urator) XX her(editatium) (...)

12Karia’s political independence ended for good with its absorption, in 88-87 BC, after the first war with Mithridates into the province of Asia37; as always, the Romans created from the start an administrative patchwork that represented immediate rewards and punishments depending on how individual cities had behaved; for example, Stratonikeia was awarded generously, including being given the territory of a number of neighbors like Keramos38. Karia disappeared as a political entity until the reign of Diocletian, when it became a province of Asia (Dessau, ILS, 635). But this “disappearance” was only on one level. A letter of the emperor Hadrian to the island of Astypalaia notes his passage through Karia in the spring or early summer of AD 12939. A citizen of Patara may have been honored by “the Karians” if the text is right40 Karia is linked with Phyrgia in a first century AD inscription from Hierapolis41. The asylia of the great sanctuary of Zeus Panamaros at Stratonikeia was recognized particularly by Karian cities, and it was mainly Karian cities that were invited by name to participate in its festival. Indeed, Stratonikeia called itself, somewhat disingenuously, the “autochthonous metropolis of Karia”42. Karia appears in an inscription set up by a procurator under Trajan or Hadrian43.

  • 44 Πατρίς μεν ὲμοί, Καρία, πόλις δὲ Μύλασσα. Vie de sainte Eusébie-Xéné 12, p. 357 in the version in (...)

13Despite its loss of political independence, Karia maintained a sense of itself as a recognizable region well into the Byzantine period (and beyond). This sense of regional identity surely owed a great deal to the multiple markers of that identity just explored, which ran along cultural and social dimensions not dependent on a political dimension. The persistence of Karian identity may have contributed to the outlines of Diocletian’s reform that brought Karia back into prominence, and surely also were reflected in the remark of a priest of Mylasa in the fifth-century AD Life of Eusebia or Xena: “My fatherland is Karia, my city Mylasa”44.

Notes

1 See for example the recent synoptic article of Blümel 1998.

2 Il., 2.867-869; cf. 4.142, 10.428.

3 FGrH III B 501 F5; cf. Costa 1997, 43-44.

4 Hdt. 1.171.2-5. Hornblower 1982, 2 claims that Herodotos’ view is “vindicated by archaeology”, but Hornblower’s authority, Bass 1963, 358, is much more cautious. For Karian-Kretan relations in historical times see IK, 34-Mylasa, 641-659; Blümel 1992b, 12. See Strab. 12.8.5 for an especially clear statement of the relationship between the Karians and the Kretans.

5 Hdt. 5.118-121, 6.25.2 (reduction). For recent accounts of the revolt, see For a recent account, see Murray 1988, 461-490; Georges 2000.

6 Hdt. (1.171.2) makes “Karian” and “Lelegian” synonymous (also Paus. 7.2.8), but it seems clear to me that he is mistaken. Philippos of Theangela, FGrH 741 F 2, distinguishes them clearly, as do many other writers (Str. 13.1.58-59 and 13.13.1 with 7.7.2); moreover, Lelegian settlements are attested on the ground in many parts of Karia, as Strab. (7.7.2) assured us: on the Halikarnassos peninsula, Radt 1970; at Iasos, Radt 1977/1978; at Herakleia, Peschlow 1995a, 1995b, 789, 1994, and 1996; near Keramos, Ender Varinlioğlu, IK, 30-Keramos p. 7 n. 2.

7 Shipley 1987, 29-30; cf. Hornblower 1982, 12.

8 Philippos of Theangela, FGrH 741 F 2. See Hornblower 1982, 12-13.

9 For a recent mis-à-point, see the papers in Giannotta et al. 1994. For the dates, see Meier-Brügger 1983, 11.

10 Tralleis, Euromos, Chalketor, Ancin, Kindye, Hyllarima, Sinuri, Kildara, Stratonikeia, Eski Çine, Kaunos, Tağyaka, Labraunda, Iasos, Halikarnassos, and Keramos; coins with Karian legends are known from Iasos, Kaunos, Stratonikeia, and Keramos. My list combines Meier-Brügger 1983, 10-11, 1994, and, for the coins only, Adiego 1994, 62-63 (his list derives entirely from the 1955 review by Deroy 1955, with no new material added).

11 FGrHist 741 F 1. For the grounds for dating Philippos, see Hornblower 1982, 88-89 n. 75.

12 See the recent, very complete list of indigenous names in Karia collected by Blümel 1992a; they are arranged chronologically in Blümel 1994. For Egypt, see Goudriaan 1988, 66 (quotation), 117.

13 The view of Robert 1963, 82, requires now some nuancing.

14 FGrH 26 Konon F 1 para II: “the Karians, a great ethnos living in villages”; Str. 14.2.23 on Mylasa (but see the reinterpretation of this passage by Cook 1961, 100).

15 Hdt. 1.171.6; Hornblower 1982, 55-62.

16 On the League see Gabrielsen 2000, 157-161 for a recent review. For the frieze at Lagina, see the recent treatment by Webb 1996, 108-120.

17 Claud. Ptol. 5.2.9, 18-20; Str. 14.1.39-2.29. See also Ps.-Skylax 98-99 (GGM I, p. 72).

18 Diod. 14.36.3 and Str. 14.1.42 place Tralleis outside of Karia; Xen., Hell., 3.2.19, within. Karian inscriptions have been found there (see n. 10), the name appears once spelled with the tell-tale λδ (IK, 36.1-Tralleis und Nysa, 3; this spelling rightly insisted on by Hornblower 1982, 74 n. 149; for the significance of λδ see the references at IK, 34.1-Tralleis und Nysa, 3, p. 9 on l. 4-5 with Blümel 1992, 31 n. 111 and the new inscription published by Blümel 2000, 94-96), and there may even be a Karian proper name at least as late as Diocletian (not second-third century AD, as Hornblower 1982, 74 n. 149): IK, 36.1-Tralleis und Nysa, 250.29, 38, 39. Quotations: Hornblower 1982, 74, 2 n. 2.

19 12.8.15, Loeb trans. by H. L. Jones; cf. also 13.4.12.

20 For this approach see Marchese 1986, esp. 1.14-46.

21 See the references for Peschlow at n. 6.

22 See Vita S. Pauli Iunioris 4, in Milet III 1. Der Latmos (Berlin 1913), p. 106-107; Miklosich and Müller 1871, 4, chap. 2, doc. 8 (pp. 307-308) with 9 (pp. 308-315).

23 Amorges: Ruzicka 1992, 10. Tissaphernes: Ruzicka 1985, 204-207 (see also 1992, 13) against Hornblower 1982, 33.

24 Hornblower 1982, 2.

25 Louis (sometimes with Jeanne) Robert remarked many times on the “backwardness” of eastern Karia in comparison to the west, especially in regards to Hellenization; see, e. g., Robert 1937, 336-338; L. and J. Robert 1954, 378-379. If it turns out to be true, as Hornblower claims (1982, 2), that Mausollos never controlled any of Karia east of the road between Tralleis and Physkos, then the absence of his project of Hellenization might explain the situation in the east. (A conversation with John Ma about some ideas of Andrew Meadows led me to these reflections). But note Ruzicka 1992, 6-7, claiming that “extensive Greek and Carian contacts had by the fifth century diluted much of a once distinctive native Carian culture”.

26 Ps.-Arist., Oik., 2.2.31 (1351b36-1352a8), probably the same man as in Arrian, Anab., 7.23.1, 24.1 and FGrHist 156 F 10.2; cf. Hornblower 1982, 51.

27 Billows 1990, 120-121.

28 See generally Billows 1995, 90-96, with full references to the sources and literature.

29 Reger 1999, 86.

30 Meadows 1996 and Ma 1996. See now generally Ma 1999, passim.

31 Pol. 21.24.7; Liv. 37.55.5. See, for example, the decree of Apollonia under Salbake, L. and J. Robert 1954, 303-312, no 167; and of Amyzon, J. and L. Robert 1983, 204-209, no 23.

32 Cohen 1995, 268-272.

33 Robert 1937, 552-555 contra Webb 1996, 114. See n. 16.

34 Louis Robert never published his case that the temple of Zeus located at Mylasa was dedicated to Zeus Stratios rather than Karios (1951, xv; see Laumonier 1958, 43-44, indecisive). But the notion that it is a temple of Zeus Karios which is partly preserved under the Menteşe fortress on Peçin, for which see Cook 1961, 99-101, is unlikely; Pedar Foss, who has examined the site, is of the opinion that the remains there are a mausoleum. For the building, see Akarca 1971, 24-29 (as a temple).

35 Ada at Alinda: Arrian, Anab., 1.23.8. Olympichos at Alinda: Laumonier 1934, 291-298, no 1.

36 J. and L. Robert, 1983, 99-101; Robert 1936a, 69-86, no 52.

37 The standard view, neatly expressed by Magie 1950, 2.1044 n. 30, situates the absorption in the aftermath of the war with Aristonikos in 129 BC. See Marek 1988, 294-302, and the brief remarks of Kallet-Marx 1995, 113-114 and 265-266.

38 IK, 22.1-Stratonikeia, 505 l. 55-58 with Sherk 1969, 105-111, no 18.

39 IG, XII, 3, 177 l. 11-12 (IGRom, 4,1033); his stopover in Tralleis is recorded in IK, 36.1-Tralleis und Nysa, 80 (with Migeotte 1987, 314-316, no 100-a). Halfmann 1986, 193 for the date.

40 TAM, 2, 508.20 (IGRom 2.681; Migeotte 1987, no 110). Lines 7-18 are republished in Robert 1940, 144-145, no 104. But Rigsby 1998, 138-139 brackets ka καὶ ὑπὸ as dittography from the previous line to get “by (...) Kalyndians of Karia”, ὑπό (...) Καλυνδίων τῆς Κ[α]ρίας.

41 IGRom, 3, 814a5.

42 IK, 21-Stratonikeia, 21 (see now Rigsby 1996, 423-427); 22 (Rhodians), 25 (Alinda), 27 (Nysa), 30 (Mylasa), 32 (Iasos), 37 (Miletos); 15.2 for the title quoted.

43 Maiuri 1925, 562: “M (arcus) Ulpius Aug(usti) lib(ertus) Stephanus proc(urator) XX her(editatium) regionis Kariae et insularum Cycladum”. The Greek text reads περιόδου Καρίας και νήσων Κυκλάδων.

44 Πατρίς μεν ὲμοί, Καρία, πόλις δὲ Μύλασσα. Vie de sainte Eusébie-Xéné 12, p. 357 in the version in Halkin 1985. The language of the version Eusebiae seu Xenae Vita 12, in Nissen 1938, 110.14-15 is more elaborate. I am grateful to Riet Van Bremen for reading an earlier version of this paper and offering incisive comments that improved it greatly (though perhaps not as much as she would have liked) and to Hugh Elton for invaluable help with the final editing.

© Ausonius Éditions, 2007

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