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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral 1. Introduction2. Objects as sources for economic life3. Spinning OBJECTS4. Some schemas of the spinning toolsConclusions Bibliographie Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Iconographie du quotidien dans l’art provincial romain : modèles régionaux

    Ce livre est recensé par

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    Table des matières

    Funerary reliefs with spinning objects: a new issue

    Erika Cappelletto

    p. 249-266

    Résumés

    Dans cet article, je souhaite me pencher sur les représentations funéraires attestées en Asie Mineure, notamment en Phrygie, qui ont la caractéristique de comporter, outre les objets de la vie quotidienne, des quenouilles, des fuseaux et des kalathos. Les objets de la vie quotidienne sont très utiles pour comprendre comment les personnes vivaient et travaillaient dans les provinces; les différences de représentation entre l’Ouest et l’Est méritent d’être reconnues comme la preuve de l’existence de types d’outils différents, et ce même pour un travail identique, bien qu’ils puissent avoir un sens particulier selon la région. En même temps, la présence des objets de filage, en particulier sur certains types de reliefs et de lieux, ne doit pas être sous-évaluée, en raison de la corrélation de leur signification dans la culture gréco-romaine et les sites attestés démontrant un phénomène intéressant.

    In this paper I would like to put the attention to the funerary representations attested in Asia Minor and in particular in Phrygia which bear, as characteristic feature, the presence of distaff, spindle and kalathos beside other objects of the daily life. The not spinning objects represent a big help to understand how the provincial lived and worked: the differences of their depiction between West and East need to be acknowledge as proof of the different kind of utensils, even if for the same kind of work; but they can also bear a peculiar meaning for the region. In the same time the presence of the spinning objects only in particular kind of reliefs and places does not have to be misjudged because of the correlation of their meaning in the Greek and roman culture and the attested places showing an interesting phenomenon.

    Hier möchte ich die Grabdarstellungen in Kleinasien und insbesondere in Phrygien bekanntmachen, die, als charakteristisches Merkmal, das Vorhandensein von Spindel, Spindel und Kalathos neben anderen Gegenständen des täglichen Lebens darstellen. Die Objekte des täglichen Lebens sind eine große Hilfe, um zu verstehen wie die Provinzialen gelebt und gearbeitet haben. Man soll die Unterschiede ihrer Darstellung zwischen West und Ost, als Beweis für die andere Art von Utensilien, auch wenn sie für die gleiche Art von Arbeit sind, anerkennen; aber sie können auch eine besondere Bedeutung für die Region tragen. Man soll nicht die Anwesenheit der spinnenden Objekte nur bestimmten in Reliefs und Stellen falsch eingeschätzten. Man kann eine Korrelation ihrer Bedeutung in der griechischen und römischen Kultur und die nachgewiesene Orte sehen, die auf ein interessantes Phänomen weist.

    Entrées d’index

    Mots-clés : représentations funéraires, Phrygie, objets pour la filature, signification, agriculture

    Keywords : funerary representations, Phrygia, spinning objects, meaning, agriculture

    Schlüsselwörter : Grabdarstellungen, Phrygien, spinnende Objekte, Bedeutung, Landwirtschaft

    Texte intégral 1. Introduction2. Objects as sources for economic life3. Spinning OBJECTS4. Some schemas of the spinning toolsConclusions Bibliographie Bibliographie Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    1. Introduction

    1This paper deals with the representations attested in distinctive funerary monuments typical of Phrygia (fig. 1). In this region, during the Roman time, we have different kind of graves, but the most widespread from the Ist century BC till the IIIrd century AD are the Türgrabdenkmäler with a door-facade as decoration element (Kelp, 2008, p. 74). If Waelkens uses the general term Türsteine (Waelkens, 1986), Lochman distinguishes them as the door of the sepulchral chamber with a door represented to the Türstelen i.e. stelai, which represent a door circumscribed by a frame and a pediment1. Jes speaks about “gebaute Türgrabsteine” and he means door-façade formed together by different blocks and visible in different kinds of funerary monuments (Jes, 1997).

    2According to Kelp it is reasonable to find an umbrella term for both types and she chooses Grabtypen mit Türfassade and Türgrabreliefs (Kelp, 2015, p. 66).

    Image 10000000000003810000047567A3B3D58C3195CE.jpg

    Fig. 1. Map of Phrygia with the important cities and the division between Türsteine and Türstelen (after Lochman, 2003, Abb. 27).

    3She mentions also some examples that show how the functional and useful division between Türsteine und Türstelen is not easy because of the difficulty to attribute the relieves and the type. Even if Lochamm’s definition is right, he excludes all that Türgrabreliefs that not fulill this function as rock-cut tombs (Kelp, 2008, p. 78) and sarcophagus (Kelp, 2015, p. 66-75): in our examination we exclude, as well, this kind of monuments.

    4This kind of Türgrabreliefs were first used in the Türsteine that appeared in the Ist century AD, in the Western and Central Phrygia, first in Aizanoi and then soon adopted in the Tembris valley and at Dokimeion and they were used as parts of the graves of the urban elites. During the IInd century AD they became much widespread also in Eastern Phrygia and they began to be used also as Türstelen. The use reaches the peek towards the end of the IInd century and the beginning of the IIIrd century AD when they became the dominant feature of the funerary monuments in Eastern Phrygia and became markers of prestige. They are not good distributed across Phrygia with an absence in big cities like Hierapolis and predominance in the small towns. The motif of the false-door was gradually abandoned, in more urbanised regions (as at Aianoi or Hierapolis), in favor of the figural decoration of the niche-stelai and more lavish models in the early IIIrd century AD. This kind of monuments are, also, typical of the backward upland regions where in the IInd and IIIrd century AD a new social groups of modest wealth assumed the “doorstone habit” (Kelp, 2013, p. 71-84).

    5These funerary monuments have been studied especially for the architectural aspects and the studies concern a research of the decorative patterns and the different styles that characterized the numerous workshops in the region and consequently the relationships between them2. Recently it was suggested that these monuments, even if they are characteristic of Phrygia, they do not represent an old Phrygian tradition (Lochman, 2003, p. 148-152) as previously stated (ibid.). On the contrary, it is argued that the type comes from North Italy or Dalmatia: as a matter of fact all these three regions are not centrally located and therefore not touched by the influence of the central power. It is clear that the similarity has to be seen not in a direct connection but in the same historical situation (Drew, Bear, 1991, p. 426; Lochmann, 2003, p. 153-171 with further bibliography; Jes, 1997, p. 247). Kelp, thus, sees some similarities with previous funerary monuments in the region but also in Lydia and Pissidia (Kelp, 2008, p. 80-84) and she interprets them as visible sign of the Romanisation. Their appearance in the imperial times has to be correlated to the political stability of the region that allows the urbanization and, consequently, the need of the new elites to self-representation. We are dealing, also, with a deliberate kind of funerary monuments used by the elites as “neu erfundene Tradition”, serving to legitimate their status as elites and to prove the nobility of their city (ibid., p. 90).

    6The representation of doors in a funerary context have numerous meaning and the opinions have varied about the symbolism and the function. Joubin regarded them as a reduced form of a tomb, i.e. the house of the dead man and the representations of the implements and pieces of furniture as equipment of the house (Joubin, 1894). For Pfuhl, the symbolism is referred to the social reality rather than to the sphere of ideas (Pfhul, 1905). Haarløv says that the doors on the Phrygian stelai represent the grave portal (Haarløv, 1977, p. 21-25). Lochamn, as Waelkens, does not see these doors as doors of Hades or a sacral connotation as heroon (Lochmann, 2003, p. 182).

    7Waelkens sees the whole monument as the symbol for the houselike tomb, a pars pro toto and he considers the traditional Anatolian tomb as domus aeterna (Waelkens, 1982; Waelkens, 1986, p. 21-31). Kelp suggests that the door can be seen as a way for the dead to be closer to the surviving family (Kelp, 2015, p. 90).

    8The strong tradition of houselike tombs in Anatolia cannot be denied but one may question the symbol of a tomb on a tomb. It can be that the door represents the passage from life to death as the spirit need to pass from tomb to aftertime not just the house but the household and the family (Roosevelt, 2006, p. 78-80).

    2. Objects as sources for economic life

    9Our attention here is focused on the different kinds of objects that are depicted in the panels and pediments (fig. 2). It is thought that the equipment of the tombs with objects used in everyday life is the result of the believe that life continues after death. Consequently the objects depicted were to serve as substitutes for grave offerings. This hypothesis should also be tested with respect to the relationships between the objects and the structures of the representations. Sometimes are interpreted as elements for proving information about the sex of the dead person.

    10We see objects related more to the male gender and objects to the female personal world. For man the objects symbolize profession and the status of the deceased alluding also to the literacy and the world of palestra (paideia). These objects are less frequent in the developed cities that in rural areas. In particular to the objects relating to the paideia it is worth asking if the monuments represent an accurate picture of the levels of literacy and urbanized lifestyle. Anyway it seems irrational to deny such a meaning if we accept the realistic representations of professions. Beside these literate and leisured objects as scrolls, tablets and stylus we find also quite a lot of representations of agricultural tools such as pruning hooks and axes.

    11For women the emphasis rest on wool-working and personal grooming. The trumpet-shaped wool basket, sometime with a pet bird perched on top of it, is depicted alongside with spindle, distaff and combs. The comb with fine teeth on both sides, often in conjunction with a mirror, is the hair comb while the second one with thick teeth on one side only, appearing with wool-working tools, could be a carding comb. Hair combs, perfume, cosmetic and mirror complete the implication of personal industry with those of not simply beauty. The men’s corpus mirrors that of the women: “wool-working is to tending wine as pursuing a beauty regime is to reading” (Masséglia, 2003, p. 101).

    12The above mentioned objects are representing not only in the Phrygian monuments and had no specifically local significance while others refer to peculiar occupations of the deceased as butcher, shoemaker or smith.

    Image 10000000000004250000040ABE5E3B7B7642115E.jpg

    Fig. 2. Some examples of the objects depicted in the door-like funerary monuments.

    13Indeed some objects or scenes can be explained only by the fact that they mirrored the local economy and social conditions or even local peculiarities. Yet the absence in other parts, most likely, depends, on the local workshops tradition.

    14For Phrygia these objects, on the false-door, give us important informations in the field of agricultural production and peasantry.

    15First of all, they acknowledge the presence of viticulture in certain areas where it has died out even if Phrygia does not belong to the list of the most important viticulture region in Asia Minor (fig. 3).

    16We can find the falx3, in our case the falx arboraria = falx putatoria, the simple bill-hook4 for pruning of vines, symbol of a guy who is able to prune the vines (Saint-Denis, 1953, p. 173) and the highly elaborated version falx vinitoria characterized by a scalprum that serves to smooth a rough surface, a spike (mucro) used for clearing away dead wood and the back-axe (secures) for a cut clean (Col., IV, 25; Saint-denis, 1953). Still the Phrygians seem to have used a simpler version without spike and a straight edged back-axe. Another typical instrument were the grape-knife (falcula vineatica)5 and the dolabra (hatchet) with on one side an axe-blade and on the other a narrow pick used for digging up of worn-out vineyards or for chopping out old dried sheets6. Usually they were wrongly identified as mattock (ligo), a broad inward-curving blade of iron attached to a handle and used for garden or in the vineyards. We should mention also the securis or woodman´ s axe and the pala, a long handled spade, used for turning over light or well-worked soil. (fig. 4).

    Image 10000000000003D3000003F45236FDDECD480C60.jpg

    Fig. 3. Depictions of the instruments for viticulture. a. falx arboraria; b. falx vinitoria; c. falcula vineatica; d. dolabra; e. ligo; f. secures; g. pala (after White, 1967, fig. 60, fig. 61, fig. 70, fig. 74, fig. 75, fig. 36, fig. 37, fig. 78, fig. 18, fig. 34, fig. 2).

    17These representations are mostly concentrated in Dorylaion (Eskişehir) and territory specifically in the villages along its northern border and its southern border. Southwards we have a concentration closed to Kütahya and the valley of Altintaş and then on the southern-eastern slopes of Highlands (between Afyon, Kütahya and Eskişehir). Besides these, three big centres of production are identified by the monuments. The first was situated in the upper valley of Banaz Çay on the territories of Sebaste and Akmonia, the second was situated on the territory of Laodikeia Katakekaumene and neighbourhood while the third one covers the region along the border with Lycaonia.

    Image 100000000000041C00000486AB51919C3A0A419C.jpg

    Fig. 4. Examples with the depictions of the instruments for the viticulture.

    18Other objects that could be understand as symbols to the viticulture are those normally associated with religion such as vine, vine tendrils, grape, crater. Surely they have such a meaning but sometimes also a purely economic one in particular in combination with these tools.

    19Furthermore the monuments can give us information about agriculture. Also in modern time Anatolia is an area of grain production, we can apply the same for the ancient times. Typical depictions are the plough, alone or with a pair of oxen yoked to it, the sickle, the winnowing-fan and stimulus, a straight stick with a spike on one end to spur an ox. Even if only with the representation of yoked oxen and two yokedox-heads the meaning remains the same, considering how important the cattle as working animals were (fig. 5).

    Image 100000000000040F000004564DFBECB684CFB761.jpg

    Fig. 5. Examples with the representations of the plough.

    20Monuments with such representations layout an area of agriculture activities on the territory of Dorylaeion, Nakoleia and it northern villages; even if these territories look disconsolate the soils is fertile while the modern region of Eskişehir is still one of the most important centre of grain production in Turkey. Another area is constituted by the valley of upper Tembris and the city of Kotiaeion: as a matter of fact it was occupied by an extensive imperial agricultural estate during the late empire. The area in Eastern Phrygia, along the Lycaonian border, yields abundant evidence of agriculture with private or imperial estates while in Southern Phrygia the neighborhood of Philomelion offers a good-farming land and it is highly cultivated.

    21In comparison, the symbols regarding the breeding of sheep and goats are very scanty attesting only a small concentration in the valley of the upper Tembris. The objects related are the pedum, a staff with a crooked end for catching sheep or goats by foot, the forpex or sheep-shears (White, 1967, p. 119-120) and a kind of knife to castrate the male animals (fig. 6).

    Image 1000000000000326000002BC8954EFE67A88C3EE.jpg

    Fig. 6. Two examples with the pedum (left) and the forpex (right).

    3. Spinning OBJECTS

    22To the symbols of the everyday life are associated also spinning tools that are also depicted in other kind of stelae and funerary reliefs attested all over Asia Minor and in the Western provinces7 (fig. 7). It is not possible to think that these tools bear only a gender meaning but further investigations are lead to the assumptions that they are connected to other deeper symbolization.

    23The study goes back to the culture of Near East where the gender characterization of women with spindle and distaff is widespread in all areas from the second half of the IInd millennium BC. Good examples are the Sumerian hymns of goodness Inanna as symbols of her power of changing men into women; the prayer to goddess Ishtar in Ninive (Archi, 1977) and fate foundation’s rituals where spindle and distaff are attribute of the god couple Ištuštaya and Papaya, Hittite goddesses of destiny (Marazzi, 1983; Hass, 1994, p. 724-728; for other examples see Rova, 2008, p. 559-560). In the first centuries of the Ist millennium BC spindle and distaff are represented in the stelae of the kings of North Syria connected to female character of high rank (Bonatz, 2000, CC 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 33, 50, 51, 59, 60, 61, 62, 68, 69) (fig. 8): these stelae give to the elites the possibility to show their identity connected to a specific symbolism related to life and fate.

    24These testimonies surely have served as links for the spread of this symbolism, ideas and concepts in the West between VIIIth and VIIth century AD. According to Rova, ivory can be seen as a means of exchange but it is also possible a direct awareness of the Syrian stelae (Cottica, Rova, 2006).

    25Already in the Helladic culture in the Iliad and Odyssey the role of the woman who spins in the house is attested with the figure of Andromache (Hom. Il. VI, 490-493) and Penelope (Hom., Od. XXXI, 350-353; see also Verilhac, 1985). The same role is described in Xenophon’s Oecomomicus where the well-off women stayed in the house and verified that everything goes as planned and as well the spinning of dresses.

    26Also in the Greek mythology the spinning process played an important role. Athena was the protector of all the manual activities and in particular of the female ones8. Aphrodite, according to Suhr’s interpretation, represents the symbol of the change of the universe and she is promoter of prosperity (Suhr, 1963).

    Image 10000000000003F10000053ADB3DC5A2466D18F8.jpg

    Fig. 7. Some examples of funerary reliefs with spinning implements.

    Image 1000000000000301000001B09989C52EA3710866.jpg

    Fig. 8. Two examples of Syrian stelai (after Bonatz, 2000, C 5 und C 60).

    27The mythological episode of the exchange of roles between Heracles and Omphale where Heracles is spinning with spindle and distaff and near him there is the kalathos is not only a depiction of spindle and distaff as symbols of the traditional virtue of the woman but implies, as well, that these objects are symbols of the procreation.

    28A particular position have the Moirai. At the beginning it is only a concept and then it takes the personification in goddess who distributes parts. In the Homeric poems µoιρα is only an abstract concept of destiny while Mοιρα is a chthonian goddess bringing death in turn perceived as an aspect of human destiny. The schema with three Moirai highlights three different meanings i.e. the generating function, family’s image and sense of whole (Magris, 1984, p. 41-46). When they entered the Greek pantheon, they began to have more power on the human’s life and articulate the most important moments as birth, marriage and death. As goddesses of the destiny, in the religious imaginary, they were associated to the motif of spinning the destiny. The Greek philosophy emphasized this cosmic value: Lachesis, Klotho and Atropos (past, present and future) spin the yarn of the “Necessity”, that moves the sphere of the universe and the human’s destiny.

    29In the Etruscan culture we have to point our attention to two prestigious objects: the tintinnabulum (fig. 9) from the Tomba degli Ori dell’Arsenale (Bologna) and the wooden throne from Verucchio (Torelli, 1997, p. 52-86). In these two objects the work of the wool is presented both in technical skill as in a climax of prestige in which for these activities only the matron is are responsible.

    30Compatible with the social importance of the woman is also the story from Plinius (Plin., VIII, 194) about Tanaquilla, the wife of Tarquinio Prisco. The autonomy of the Etruscan woman can be judged also from a series of Archaic and Hellenistic inscriptions with the signature of the female owner that outline an autonomous activity for the house but also for a third part.

    31With these testimonies, we perceive how this topic, at the beginning only associated to goddesses and heroines slowly moves to “normal” women but still belonging to a high rank.

    32In Latin context, the presence of deities related to spinning it sharply relates only to Parcae that seem to have been born under the influence of Moirai, tripling the single figure Parca and inheriting the functions of deities who preside over the human destiny. In the current representation of these deities, the action of the row of human life is not prominent in fact they are depicted with a spindle (Klotho), a volumen (Lachesis) and a globe (Atropos): this change of the objects is associated to the assimilations of the quality of Dea Parca, a goddess associated with birth, and to Fata Scribunda9. The globe indicates a point used, through the reading of the stars, to determine the destiny of humans and things. Parcae are then projected in a celestial dimension that was unknown for Moirai (De Angelis, 1992, p. 113). This ancient tradition and the celestial dimension represent the starting point of their attributes and the actions connected to them i.e. the writing (volumen) and reading of the stars (globe). A popular theme in the Roman bibliographical sarcophagi is their presence in scenes representing the infancy of the deceased and especially the first ritual bath, the Dies lustricus, as we can see in the Chiaramonti sarcophagus, dating between 170/180 and 200 AD (De Angelis, 1992, catalogue n. 41).

    33The correlation between wool and women in Roman times becomes more predominant as literary topos and together with other virtues connotes the ideal Roman woman of the upper classes. The eulogy for Claudia (CIL, VI, 15346) dated to the end of the IInd century BC represents the female model of the Roman nobilitas that is repeated constantly throughout the Roman history in spite of the social, political and cultural changes. The only activities in which the “decent woman” could engage were the housework, the supervision of slave labor and the spinning of wool held personally by the matron. Wool-working became a synonymous of women´ s laboriousness and domestic virtues as the case for Lucretia (Liv., 1, 57.9).

    Image 10000000000003C8000001934C00846EE544178C.jpg

    Fig. 9. Bronze tintinnabulum, Tomba degli Ori (courtesy of Archivio del Museo Civico Archeologico di Bologna).

    34This vision of the Roman woman is also supported by other entries which create a female figure who possesses all the qualities to be a good wife. In the census conducted in Corpus Inscriptium Latinorum the expression lanam fecit is present only in the inscription of Claudia while the term lanifica is found in an inscription that contains in short all the qualities of the woman (CIL, VI, 11602) while other words as lanificio or lanificiis in three others (CIL, VI, 10230; CIL, VI, 1527, CIL, VI, 11602), from the age of Augustus. But this vision is ideal because, already in IInd century BC, Roman women did not occupy their time spinning but rather delegate the slaves to do this work; if any women at that time still took care of the household production spinning certainly did not meet the domestic needs of the family.

    35From a family production, in the first period of the Respublica, we see an enlargement of the production and the establishment of associations: it is strange to see that, till the IIIrd century BC, we do not have the female equivalent name for these jobs. The only attestations of female works are the quasillariae (CIL, VI, 6639-6346) for the weaving and lanipenda (CIL, VI, 9496-9498, 34273.37721) for weight the yarn in the houses.

    36We cannot ignore the contribution of the symbolism of the spindle and distaff in the Near-East and Greek traditions but this does not imply a complete absence, in Latin tradition, of the symbolism behind these two objects. These traditions, not present in the visual arts, were deeply rooted in Latin culture and they will be present continuously even through centuries of cultural changes and influx of other cultures. These customs are woven into the most significant moments in the life of a woman as the Dies lustricus (De Angelis 1991), the marriage10 and the death when the woman was buried or cremated with her trousseau, which, contained spindle and distaff.

    37As stated previously, the prerogative of spinning belongs to women of high rank: the presence of these representations on value goods as the tintinnabulum is an indication of the importance of activities related to weaving. The roles are assigned on the base on a hierarchy for women. This “social” prerogative of the spinning came to the Roman ideology and remained for many centuries, as the testimony of funerary epitaphs praising the matron bearer of many virtues. But at the same time, it was enriched with new meanings conveyed by contribution from Greek and Eastern cultures.

    38The representation of spinning objects would have been understandable in the western provinces since the great Roman influence; paradoxically, most of these depictions are in the eastern part of the empire where the symbolism associated with these objects is well attested and stratified in the territory.

    39The funerary art was chosen as the preferred vehicle for the dissemination of the deepest meanings beside those ones of gender because they were specifically designed to be observed and to transmit specific information about the deceased. In roman society, gender, as age, was a fixed element of individual identity, influence by other elements as legal status, ranks and wealth.

    40The sematic value of the metaphor embodied by these elements and transferred from the religious/mythological sphere to the individuals was, surely, altered but it did not turn into a commonplace. The addition of the spinning instruments added new data about the woman’social role in the family and in the society. The woman plays a vital role in society because she brings life and this leads to the creation of the family as the woman is the spinner and weaver of life and participated in the process of regeneration of the human kind. The symbolism of the spinning expresses “… quella visione biologica che caratterizza la rappresentazione primitive del destino. Il che per altro non esclude significati anche più ampi: all´ intreccio dei genitori da cui deriva il tessuto corporeo dell´ individuo, si aggiunge l’intreccio della famiglia… e il moltiplicarsi dei rapporti che formano il tessuto sociale” (Magris, 1984, p. 52). Family constitutes the fabric of society and without the woman could not perpetuate race.

    41Women, as guarantor of continuity, created life and the destiny of the family and clan in society: the death of a woman threatened the stability and the social continuity and it was a loss for the entire community. Significantly, in the funerary art, are represented the tools without the whole process of spinning because they recall the end point of a biological process that consists of different parts/µοιραι (birth, life, death) woven together. Women are the agents of this process as Moirai move the sphere of the Universe.

    42These meanings mark the woman as the bearer of a fundamental role in society and this explains the spread of the representation of spinning tools in funeral stelae. It is a phenomenon that requires a “social” expansion of the objects to women of minor rank.

    43The spread in Asia Minor in particular should be seen as the result of a cultural process latent in territory for a long period and emerged from Latin speculations which have extended the meaning of spinning.

    44The kalathos belongs to the same group of symbols. The basket full of wool shows the effect of the use of the spindle and distaff and is the sigh of the dead woman’s diligence. The basket is also connected to the symbolism of the season’s produce of grain, fruit, etc. The idea of regeneration is also connected to this one of abundance and fertility.

    4. Some schemas of the spinning tools

    45We need now to point our attention to the Türstelen und Türsteine and the position of these objects on them. The total amount is 144 examples, which can be further divided in two categories i.e. Türstelen und Türsteine with only one door and ones with more than one door. As we can see from the pie graphic (ig. 10) the majority (123) belongs to the irst group while the rest (17 examples-14%) is divided into monuments with two/three doors and without a precise scheme.

    Image 10000000000001E3000001D0D0E90B7139930F9A.jpg

    Fig. 10. Pie chart with the percentage of number of doors in the funerary monuments.

    Image 100000000000041A000001A0075364A277A420BA.jpg

    Fig. 11. Pie chart with the percentage of the numbers of panels in the monuments with one door (a) and with two doors (b).

    Image 10000000000003D40000044B9CAC3C441028B36B.jpg

    Fig. 12. Examples of Türsteine and Türstelen with one or two doors: the objects are only in one panel depicted.

    46The division into panels and the pediment or arch is a perfect internal organization to understand how the spinning tools are arranged in the composition in comparison to the other objects.

    47Because Türstelen und Türsteine are mostly built with one door, I have chosen to focus my attention here on these ones (fig. 11).

    48In the monuments with one door, in particular 96% (118) of the total (123) have four panels, which represents the common scheme while the rest 4% are with five or six panels; on the contrary in the other monuments (with two or three doors) the numbers of panels can change a lot (fig. 12).

    49For most of the cases (60 examples of the total 123) the spinning objects are depicted in only one panel without distinction among the four, even if the fourth one on the right is the more used. As second choice the objects can be presented in in the pediment/arch and in one panels while the combination of two panels is scanty (fig. 13).

    50In the case of one only panel involved (fig. 14) normally spindle and distaff are depicted in pairs and sometime with the kalathos as well: this is the case for all the four panels even if panels three and four are the most used one. Only in the third and fourth panels the kalathos is depicted alone. We have also three cases of representation of the spindle in the panels three and four and a strange combination of distaff and kalathos in the fourth panel.

    51In the case of two panels involved (fig. 15) all the four panels are used.

    52Only in one case, in panels three+ four, there is the kalathos alone depicted for both panels; in the same combination of panels also in one case the three objects are represented in both panels. The usual combination is, thus, spindle-distaff and kalathos or on the contrary sequence. The combination panel three + four seems to be the privileged one (fig. 16).

    53In the cases where are present tools both in panels and pediment (43 examples, fig. 17), the situation is more complex.

    54The general scheme includes the kalathos alone in the pediment followed by the pair spindle-distaff and then all the three tools together again in the pediment/arch. The evidence of other combination is scanty and consists of the the pair spindle-distaff on one of the panel and the kalathos in the pediment or the contrary (fig. 18).

    Image 10000000000001E4000001C15D4B84C3E726001F.jpg

    Fig. 13. Place of distribution of the spinning implements on the funerary monuments with one door.

    Conclusions

    55Even if it is possible to see some favorite places inside the door for these objects, we are still far away to understand the reasons behind these choices. It seems like that the placement of the spinning instruments as well the other objects does not follow a trend but still I do not think that it depends only to an artisan choice. It is also not clear why in some stelae are depicted only spindle and distaff while in other only the kalathos and in other all three instruments. It seems so that the presence of only spindle and distaff, only kalathos or all three together conveys or stresses certain specific meanings, in addition to their connotation previously postulated, which are not clear to perceive.

    Image 10000000000003F7000001D35E904E236A229500.jpg

    Fig. 14. Distribution of the spinning objects in the one of the four panels.

    Image 10000000000003AE000001FA066AAB3564E3685E.jpg

    Fig. 15. Distribution of the spinning objects in the two of the four panels.

    Image 100000000000039A0000020B11E7D242965DB21E.jpg

    Fig. 16. Examples of Türsteine and Türstelen with spinning objects in two panels.

    56The inscription, mostly in Greek and some in Neo-Phrygian, relates to the owners and the majority are built for a couple and this aspect is surprising because in some stelae are depicted only the spinning instruments beside the normal decorations of the door. So it’s logicaly questioning us why are depicted only these female tools: why everything related to the man is not represented? Maybe the woman played an important role? They wanted to stress particular aspects? or maybe the woman was a wonderful mother and gave birth to a lot of children? These questions are without answers, sadly. All these funerary monuments are not in the original position; therefore we do not have any possibilities to go back to the burials and their contents, which may have helped us to make correlations and comparisons between the grave and the depictions.

    Image 1000000000000392000001C2CB7ADA1585921C2B.jpg

    Fig. 17. Distribution of the instruments in the pediment/arch and panels.

    Image 10000000000003A600000294B2F177E69432844B.jpg

    Fig. 18. Examples of the funerary monuments with the spinning tools in the pediment/arch and panels.

    57As a matter of fact we are far beyond to comprehend the logic behind the position of these implements. Thought, I think that we did a big step forward in the interpretation of their symbolism (both spinning and not spinning tools). In this perspective I hope that I have arisen some more interests in this kind of funerary monuments.

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    Notes de bas de page

    1 Lochaman critises the improper use of Türstein as umbrella term: Lochman, 2003, p. 147.

    2 See for examples Waelkens, 1986 and Lochman, 2003.

    3 The term covers a wide variety of iron implements. Numerous variations have been made in order to meet the different conditions in the tasks of reaping and pruning. Twelve kinds are mentioned by the roman sources. Cf. White, 1967, p. 72-76.

    4 The term indicates that the blades are hooked i.e. curved in profile and they have the projection at the top of the curved blade. It consist of a long flat blade with a single cutting edge curved outwards; the hook grips and holds the branch to be pruned while the knife-blade makes the cut.

    5 It is a small sickle specially sharped to make a clean cut through the stem.

    6 There are three different types, see White, 1967, p. 63.

    7 The creation of a catalogue of these reliefs from Western and Eastern provinces was part of my BA thesis (414 examples). In the following years the attestation have increased with a total number of 560.

    8 Pausanias speaks about a statue with spindle in the hands; Cavalier, 1996, p. 39.

    9 The goddess embodies the metaphor of both writing and reading destiny (the world fatum = destiny in Latin is the participle of fari = to tell).

    10 In the early Roman period the ceremony known as deductio required the bride to approach her husband’s house carrying a spindle and a distaff. For a wonderful explanation, see Fayer, 2005.

    Auteur

    • Erika Cappelletto

      Independent researcher, Karolingerweg 15, 68239 Mannheim (D). Email:caps0783@gmail.com

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    1 Lochaman critises the improper use of Türstein as umbrella term: Lochman, 2003, p. 147.

    2 See for examples Waelkens, 1986 and Lochman, 2003.

    3 The term covers a wide variety of iron implements. Numerous variations have been made in order to meet the different conditions in the tasks of reaping and pruning. Twelve kinds are mentioned by the roman sources. Cf. White, 1967, p. 72-76.

    4 The term indicates that the blades are hooked i.e. curved in profile and they have the projection at the top of the curved blade. It consist of a long flat blade with a single cutting edge curved outwards; the hook grips and holds the branch to be pruned while the knife-blade makes the cut.

    5 It is a small sickle specially sharped to make a clean cut through the stem.

    6 There are three different types, see White, 1967, p. 63.

    7 The creation of a catalogue of these reliefs from Western and Eastern provinces was part of my BA thesis (414 examples). In the following years the attestation have increased with a total number of 560.

    8 Pausanias speaks about a statue with spindle in the hands; Cavalier, 1996, p. 39.

    9 The goddess embodies the metaphor of both writing and reading destiny (the world fatum = destiny in Latin is the participle of fari = to tell).

    10 In the early Roman period the ceremony known as deductio required the bride to approach her husband’s house carrying a spindle and a distaff. For a wonderful explanation, see Fayer, 2005.

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    Cappelletto, E. (2017). Funerary reliefs with spinning objects: a new issue. In S. Lefebvre (éd.), Iconographie du quotidien dans l’art provincial romain : modèles régionaux (1‑). ARTEHIS Éditions. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.artehis.2536
    Cappelletto, Erika. « Funerary Reliefs With Spinning Objects: A New Issue ». In Iconographie Du Quotidien Dans l’art Provincial Romain : Modèles régionaux, édité par Sabine Lefebvre. Dijon: ARTEHIS Éditions, 2017. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.artehis.2536.
    Cappelletto, Erika. « Funerary Reliefs With Spinning Objects: A New Issue ». Iconographie Du Quotidien Dans l’art Provincial Romain : Modèles régionaux, édité par Sabine Lefebvre, ARTEHIS Éditions, 2017, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.artehis.2536.

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    Lefebvre, S. (éd.). (2017). Iconographie du quotidien dans l’art provincial romain : modèles régionaux (1‑). ARTEHIS Éditions. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.artehis.1585
    Lefebvre, Sabine, éd. Iconographie du quotidien dans l’art provincial romain : modèles régionaux. Dijon: ARTEHIS Éditions, 2017. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.artehis.1585.
    Lefebvre, Sabine, éditeur. Iconographie du quotidien dans l’art provincial romain : modèles régionaux. ARTEHIS Éditions, 2017, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.artehis.1585.
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