Everyday motifs and occupations depicted on Dardanian steles
p. 217-229
Résumés
Le sujet de cet article porte sur deux groupes de motifs représentés sur les stèles funéraires de Dardanie durant l’époque romaine: les objets féminins et les métiers des hommes. Il faut noter que ces motifs sontr caractéristiques pour deux centres urbains, Scupi et Timacum Minus, respectivement au sud et au nord de cette région. Les représentations des accessoires appartenant aux femmes consistent en trois types d’objets de la vie quotidienne: les objets de toilette, la garde-robe ainsi que les produits manufacturés. Ces représentations sont courantes et elles sont mises en valeur sur les stèles. Les représentations des métiers des hommes sont plutôt rares et se caractérisent par deux types de motifs: les outils et les symboles. La représentation des outils est la plus commune et on la rencontre aussi bien dans le sud que dans le nord, mais aussi sur une stèle dans la partie centrale de la Dardanie. Un symbole n’apparaît que sur une seule stèle, où il est question d’un attribut d’Esculape. Ces représentations sont importantes car elles nous donnent un aperçu de la vie quotidienne et des occupations des femmes et des hommes durant l’époque romaine en Dardanie.
This paper discusses two groups of motifs that depict female accessories and male professions on steles in Dardania during the Roman period. They are characteristic for the areas of two centres in southern and northern parts of this territory: Scupi and Timacum Minus. Depictions of female accessories consist of three types of objects of everyday use: toiletry, clothing and handwork accessories, and are far more common and occupy a prominent place. Depictions of male professions are fairly rare and they consist of two types of motifs: tools and symbols. Depiction of tools is primary and, except southern and northern parts, one stele comes also from central part of Dardania. Symbols are depicted only on one stele, which is an attribute of Asclepius. These depictions are nevertheless important, because they offer us insight into the everyday life and occupations of women and men in Dardania during the Roman period.
Dieser Artikel befasst sich mit zwei Gruppen von Motiven, die auf den dardanischen Grabstelen in römischer Zeit anzutreffen sind: es handelt sich um geschlechtsspezifische Gegenstände, solche die für die Tätigkeiten der Frauen bezeichnend sind und solche, die als typisch männlich gelten. Diese Motive sind insbesondere für zwei städtische Zentren bezeichnend, Scupi und Timacum Minus, jeweils im Süden und im Norden Dardaniens gelegen. Bei den für Frauen bezeichnenden Gegenständen sind drei Kategorien zu unterscheiden: Toilettgegenstände, Kleidungszubehör sowie Gegenstände, die auf häusliche Tätigkeiten weisen. Diese Repräsentationen sind auf den Stelen geläufig und werden hervorgehoben. Männerberufe werden eher selten und anhand von zwei Motivgruppen dargestellt: Werkzeuge und Symbole, wobei die Werkzeuge sowohl im Süden als auch im Norden überwiegen, doch auch auf einer Grabstele in Zentraldardanien zu finden sind. Die Symbole sind nur durch ein Asklepiosattribut auf einer einzigen Stele vertreten. Diese Darstellungen sind wichtig, weil sie uns einen Einblick in den Alltag und die Tätigkeiten der Frauen und Männer in römischer Zeit in Dardanien gewähren.
Entrées d’index
Mots-clés : métiers des hommes, Dardanie, objet féminin
Keywords : female accessories, male occupation, Dardania
Schlüsselwörter : Für Frauen bezeichnende Gegenstände, Männerberufe, Dardanien
Texte intégral
1In addition to a number of decorative-symbolic motifs, sepulcral steles in Dardania during the Roman period depict also the motifs of female accessories and male professions. A characteristic feature of these two groups of motifs is that they are particular for the areas of two centres, where they appear in very uneven numbers, while in rare cases they appear together (fig. 1).

Fig. 1. Dardania with centres of steles of female accessories and motifs of male professions.
Female accessories
2Female accessories are far more often depicted and occupy a prominent place. These depictions are a particularity of the southern part, because, except in three cases in the north, Timacum Minus (Ravna), they appear exclusively on steles from the area of Scupi (Zlokučani near Skopje), as one of the most common motifs of objects from the beginning of the 2nd century until the turn of the 3rd and 4th centuries, which is one of the main features of the area of this centre and the territory of Dardania in general. It consists of three types of everyday objects: toiletry, clothing and handwork items, which sometimes appear together, and in two cases are associated with weapons. As regards the type of steles, they most commonly appear on steles with a pentagonal field.
3a) Depictions of toilet accessories: mirror and comb (pecten et speculum) are more common. They appear in various combinations, almost always in association with other motifs: these are generally everyday objects and floral motifs, with the rosette as a prominent motif; figural depictions are rarer, consisting of busts of deceased persons and, in one case, a funerary banquet scene. They are mostly depicted in the main relief field – in most cases within the field, and less often on the frame – while only in a few cases they are depicted on the other parts of the stele.
4The majority of depictions combine a mirror and comb, always in the main field of the stele. Such steles were found exclusively in the southern part. In five examples they are combined with decorative-symbolic motifs: in three cases with a rosette1; in the next two examples with everyday objects – on the stele from Dračevo (fig. 2) with a basket2 and on another stele with a vessel and an indiscernible item, possibly a spindle3. Only on two specimens they appear with portraits of the deceased women4 (fig. 3).

Fig. 2. Stele with mirror, comb and basket, Draččevo (area of Scupi), Archaeological Museum Skopje.

Fig. 3. Stele with mirror, comb and portraits, Čuččer (area of Scupi), Archaeological Museum Skopje.

Fig. 4. Stele with mirror and hammer, Mirkovci (area of Scupi), Archaeological Museum Skopje.
5Depictions of mirrors without combs are slightly less common. Mirrors characteristically appear in different positions on steles and, except in a single case, they are combined with decorative-symbolic motifs. Three specimens come from the southern part; in two cases a mirror is depicted with objects of everyday use and a rosette shown above in the gable: on the stele from Mirkovci5 (fig. 4) it is depicted in the interval space with a tool, while on the stele from Lopate, around the station of Lamud, near today’s Kumanovo6, it appears in the upper part of the stele, in the centre of the lunette between a seat and a cup; on the third specimen, from Skopje7 (fig. 5), it is shown in the main field with a funerary banquet scene, in association with a seat and a vessel. On two steles from Timacum Minus, it is depicted on the pedestal decorated with a vessel from which grapevine grows8.

Fig. 5. Stele with mirror, a seat, a vessel and a funerary banquet scene, Skopje (Scupi), Archaeological Museum Skopje.
6In rare cases, namely three, a comb is depicted without a mirror. Similar to mirrors, it appears in various places on steles, always in combination with utilitarian objects. In two cases it is shown in the main relief field with busts of deceased women: on the stele from Dimci9 (fig. 6) in association with a spindle and a distaff on the frame, while on the stele from Skopje10 (fig. 7), which has tools depicted on the frame, it is shown within the field together with sandals. On the third specimen, a fragmented stele it is shown on the pedestal in association with the neck of a vessel and possibly a spindle11.

Fig. 6. Stele with spindle, distav and a portrait, Dimci (area of Scupi), Archaeological Museum Skopje.
7b) Depictions of clothing accessories: sandals make up the only element and combined with the comb are found only in the noted stele from Skopje (fig. 7).
8c) Depictions of handwork accessories: basket, spindle and distaff (calathus, fusus et colus) appear on fewer steles. In addition to the mentioned steles, where they appear in combination with toilet accessories, they appear as independent motifs on two specimens. One comes from Matka in the area of Scupi12 (fig. 8), where these objects (basket with two spindles) are depicted together in the middle of the main field within a triangular aedicula in relief, with a rosette shown on either side under vaulted aediculae. On the other specimen, which comes from Timacum Minus13 (fig. 9), only a basket is shown in the middle of the gable, with a series of arches depicted on the band running below.

Fig. 7. Stele with comb, sandals, ascia, sickle and portraits, Skopje (Scupi), Archaeological Museum Skopje.
9When it comes to the workmanship of these motifs in three types of depictions, we can ascertain that most specimens were made by unskilled craftsmen, considering that in most ffcases they are fairly schematised shown in very low relief that sometimes gives impression of true engraving (fig. 2; fig. 7). Mirrors generally have large dimensions, and on the specimens from Lopate and Skopje (fig. 5) they are exaggerated. Due to its form and smooth surface the basket on the specimen from Timacum Minus resembles a column, which inspired certain authors to put forward the idea that it indeed was a column14. The sandals are of a very little size (fig. 7).

Fig. 8. Stele with comb, spindle and distav, Matka (area of Scupi), in Matka Monastery.

Fig. 9. Stele with basket, Ravna (Timacum Minus), lost.
10Steles and other types of sepulchral monuments with motifs of this type are very rare in the majority of neighbouring areas of Dardania, with only those depicting toilet accessories being somewhat more prominent. Beyond Dardania, from the province of Upper Moesia come two steles where they are shown on the gable: one from Singidunum, with a mirror, a box for accessories and sandals, and the other from Ratiaria, with a mirror15. A mirror without a comb is found on two steles from Lower Dacia (Florescu, 1942, p. 22, fig. 7, p. 26, fig. 11), while it is somewhat more common in Lower Moesia, where in coastal centres, former Greek colonies, it is shown together with a comb in a funerary banquet scene16. Similar motifs are also very rare in the northern part of the province of Macedonia (Vulić, 1931, p. 27-28, n. 53). In contrast to this, in its western part and in the northern part of the Epirus province (the territory of ancient South Illyria, present-day Albania), monuments depicting mirrors, combs, other toilet accessories and items of clothing (sandals and purses) appear in the well-known centres on the Adriatic coast, Dyrrhachium and Apollonia, as well as in the hinterland, in the rural environment during Late Antiquity17. Dyrrhachium yielded also two specimens of figural steles on which the deceased woman holds a mirror in her raised hand (Toçi, 1962, p. 116-117, fig. 59; Tartari, 1997, p. 245, pl. 2, fig. 3, 8). Such depictions are very poorly known from the province of Dalmatia. From the coastal part, for the time being, we know three monuments from Salona: a mirror is depicted on a figural sarcophagus imported from Asia Minor18, the frieze of one stele depicts various items of toilet accessory, handwork accessories and other everyday female items, and a locally made fragmented sarcophagus depicts women spinning (Cambi et alii, 1973, p. 19, n. 33, pl. 6). From the interior part there come two steles with standing female figures with spindles and distaffs: one from Karan (Serbia) (Petrović, 1986, p. 22, n. 12), the other from Priluka in the Livno Plain (Bosnia); the woman on the latter stele is depicted in local costume spinning wool, next to a man that likewise wears local garb – a shepherdess and a shepherd in a local ambient (Čremošnik, 1963, p. 108, fig. 2). These examples show that this motif, depicting one of the main occupations of women, on the monuments from the Illyrian territory, although rare, was well known at Illyrians.
11On the contrary, in the East, in Asia Minor, Phrygia in particular, this type of decoration on tombstones is frequently used in the 2nd and 3rd centuries; all the motifs known from our steles appear there, but far richer, in various combinations and at various places of the stele, independently – as they usually appear on door-shaped steles – or with portraits, more rarely with a funerary banquet scene, sometimes showing direct analogies to our examples. When it comes to toilet accessories, mirrors and combs are more rarely depicted on their own19, and more often in combination with other objects, in which handwork accessories occupy a prominent place20, of which two specimens, similar to our one specimen from Dračevo (fig. 2), are shown with a basket only21. In several cases other items of female accessory (toilet items and sandals) and everyday objects are shown with them (MAMA, 1937, pl. 21, fig. 41 (1)-42; pl. 22; fig. 44 (1)). However, in several cases a mirror appears without a comb, but rarely alone22, more often with other types of objects, especially handwork accessories23. A comb without a mirror is very rarely depicted, in two cases it is shown with a spindle and distaff as an independent decoration on a certain part of the stele24. Nevertheless, of all these examples depicting toilet accessories, two steles are very similar to the stele from Skopje (fig. 5): on a stele from Hieropolis (3rd century), depicting a funerary banquet, only a mirror is shown in the upper right corner (Pfhul, Möbius, 1979, pl. 258, fig. 1787), while on another stele from Cyzic, contemporary with our specimen, a servant maid with a mirror is shown with a funerary banquet, while with a kline is shown a woman sitting on a chair similar to the one on our stele (ibid., pl. 172, fig. 1142). Among handwork accessories, the basket, in addition to the mirror, comb and other objects, where its form in three cases25 is very similar to the depictions from Dračevo and Matka (fig. 2; fig. 8), is also shown with a spindle and distaff only26, where also in two cases it is similar to the depictions from these two sites27, and as an independent motif in the middle of the gable: one of semi-circular shape (MAMA, 1937, pl. 26, fig. 70 (1)), by which, judging by the place of the find, it shows similarity to the specimen from Timacum Minus, and another, more triangular28, whose form on a stele from Phrygia is very similar to the specimen from this centre (MAMA, 1937, pl. 22, fig. 44 (1)). On another specimen from Phrygia it is shown in one of the semi-circular aediculae that form a sequence in the interval space (ibid., pl. 22, fig. 43 (1)), which is in fact in accordance with the architectural and iconographic depiction on our specimen from Matka. Spindle and distaff in some cases are shown in the basket29, similar to our specimen from Matka. Characteristically, in several cases tools are depicted with female accessories, most often small sickles30, similar to our specimen from Skopje (fig. 7). Most interestingly, on certain specimens of Phrygian steles from the 2nd century, highly stylised portraits of standing women are shown with a spindle and distaff, while men hold a sickle (Pfuhl, Möbius, 1979, pl. 171, fig. 1137-1138) – probably symbols of their position in the family.
12The prototype of these motifs on tombstones in general should be sought in Greece, where women with mirrors appear on Attic steles of the Classical period31. Therefore, we can say that the depiction of mirrors, as well as toilet items and handwork accessories in general, originated in Greece, where it was closely associated with deceased woman. All the more so as in the eyes of ancient Greeks the basket was a favourite symbol of female value (Dušanić, 1975, p. 132, note 7), which is probably true also for the spindle with a distaff. However, in the form in which these motifs appear in the Roman period they are characteristic only for Asia Minor, particularly Phrygia, where they only have a decorative function, except the above mentioned examples in which spindles and distaffs are shown in the hands of deceased women, with the distaff marking them as matrons (Noack, 1894, p. 334). The origin of their depictions on steles in Dardania should therefore be sought in Asia Minor through the mediation of immigrants from those areas, who played a role in the transfer of the type of stele with a pentagonal niche32, as well as the transfer of other motifs, for instance a sequence of arches33, which appear with handwork accessories on two specimens. Although the legions had a dominant influence, particularly the 7th legion Claudia, whether its active soldiers or settled veterans, a fairly important role was reserved for immigrant civilians – traders and slaves, as corroborated by the dedicants on our specimens, where, except in one case from Timacum Minus (fig. 9), which is a veteran, these are civilians, of which the man on the stele from Dračevo (fig. 2) belongs to the libertine class.
13Taking into consideration that all the examples of steles with these motifs were dedicated to women, except in only two cases to a married couple (fig. 2; fig. 7), and in one case from Timacum Minus to a mother with a son, of which in the case of the specimens from Dračevo, Matka (fig. 8) and Skopje these are manumitted women, and the same might be the case with the stele from Lopate (Dragojević-Josifovska, 1982, p. 173), we could say that they were associated with deceased women. Therefore, in our case, they certainly have a symbolic meaning.
14When it comes to the ethnicity of the persons on these steles, their anthroponomy is diverse: Greek, Latin and local. Even though the linguistic affiliation of a name does not necessarily determine the ethnicity of its bearer (Alföldy, 1969, p. 17), these were mostly persons of foreign origin, by and large from the East, whether having Greek or Latin names, whereas only a few local (Dobruna-Salihu, 2006, p. 54-55).
15We can conclude that the depictions of female accessories on monuments in Dardania, especially its central part – in spite of the finds of toilet accessories in burial contexts at several places34– has not been widely adopted by the indigenous population, which speaks of its considerable conservatism. This was probably also the cause that it was limited only to the areas of these two centres, with a greater concentration in the colony of Scupi.
Professions of male
16Motifs of male professions are rare depicted. However, they consist of two types: tools and symbols.
17a) Depiction of tools is primary, being present in the first half of the 2nd century until the turn of the 2nd and 3rd centuries. We have five steles so far by the three parts of Dardania: three of them from the southern part, and two from the northern and central parts (Kosovo). Even though these depictions are not numerous, they are quite diverse, consisting of tool of double meaning – the ascia, and tools that are directly connected with the occupation of the deceased: sickle, hammer, axe and pincers. These tools were depicted at various places on the stele, usually in combinations – with each other or with toilet accessories – and only in one case on their own.

Fig. 10. Stele with ascia, Ravna (Timacum Minus), Lapidarium Ravne.
18The ascia is depicted on two steles from different centres: from the Scupi area and from Timacum Minus. In the first case – the already mentioned stele from Skopje (fig. 7) with the depiction of a comb and sandals within a portrait niche – it is shown in its right frame together with a sickle, executed in a fairly low relief that more resembles incisions. On the other specimen35 (fig. 10) it is shown independently on the lower frame of a pedestal, whose field depicts a kantharos with grapevine. Unlike the specimen from Scupi, it is very nicely executed in high relief.
19Similar to Dardania, ascia is also very rarely shown on monuments in the largest part of the provinces in the Danube and the Balkans. For instance, from the northern part of Upper Moesia we know of only three specimens: two from Viminacium and one from the area of present-day Kosmaj (Mirković, 1986, p. 114, n. 69, p. 161, n. 167). It is also very rare on monuments from Lower Moesia and Thrace, as well as Dacia and Pannonia36. In Macedonia, in the area of Kavadar it is documented in several cases, always together with a sickle37. On the other hand, depictions of ascia are more common in the coastal part of the province Dalmatia, with the centre in Salona, where it is found especially on non-figural steles38, while it is very rare in the hinterland (Sergejevski, 1935, p. 17-18, pl. 5, fig. 1). It is also quite common on tombstones in upper Italy, where most examples are known from Ravenna39. However, of all the provinces it is the most common in Gaul, where it appears in combination with other motifs40.
20Opinions have long differed regarding the origin of this motif. Starting from the fact that the Dalmatian monuments with this depiction were the earliest, B. Gabričević believed that Dalmatia had been the centre from where the depictions of ascia on tombstones spread to the other provinces of the Roman West (Gabričević, 1959, p. 301). However, other scholars opposed this assertion. F. Bulić considered ascia a Celtic religious symbol and claimed that its appearance in the province Dalmatia was connected with the Celtic occupation of Illyricum (ibid., p. 301, note 12). J.-J. Hatt attributed its appearance on Dalmatian monuments to soldiers from the East (Hatt, 1945, p. 83 ff). A similar view was put forward by L. Couchod and A. Audin, in whose opinion the depiction of ascia was brought to this area by legionaries from Asia Minor41. Starting from the fact that this motif is found only in the area of Scupi and Timacum Minus, an Oriental origin should also be attributed to the depiction of asciae on monuments from the Dardanian territory, especially the specimen from Scupi, which contains also depictions of female accessories. However, the deceased person’s non-imperial gentilicium Seius is often found in Italy and in the West, while his Latin cognomen Maternus, as the first documented case in Dardania, is found everywhere, especially in Gaul and in the East42. Therefore, the exact ethnicity of the bearer of this name is difficult to ascertain, although the most likely guess is that this was a romanised person of Oriental or Gaulish origin. On the other specimen, the deceased woman’s imperial gentilicium Flavia is accompanied by a Latin cognomen, Marcia, found throughout the Empire. In the Danube provinces it is characteristic mostly for people of oriental origin43, so it is most likely that the same is true of this person, too. Based on these data, in search of the origin of ascia in Dardania we should primarily look to the East, although Gaul should not be excluded either.
21Among a number of scholars who have studied the significance of the ascia depictions, as well as the dedicatory formula “sub ascia dedicare”. Based on the type of interpretation, the opinions are divided into two main groups: the first considers ascia as a true tool used for digging, or building graves, while the other group sees it as a religious symbol associated with the immortality of the soul (Gabričević, 1959, p. 299 ff). F. Cumont was the only one who interpreted it as an apotropaic symbol (Cumont, 1942, p. 298). However, interpretation for both the visual depiction and the formula was put forward by F. D. Vissche, in whose opinion the sole role of the ascia is to secure a position in the grave for an individual or an entire family (Rinaldi Tufi, 1971, p. 142, note 181). Although B. Gabričević shares a similar opinion, he nevertheless considers it as a true tool that was used in certain phases of work on a tombstone; on the other hand, he also considers it a symbol of property rights over a grave, a role in which ascia assumes the meaning of a symbol of faith in the afterlife (Gabričević, 1959, p. 305, 308-309). M. Vasić sees it only as a religious symbol assisting the deceased in their departure to the other world as a token of sorts guaranteeing a happy stay there (Vasić, 1977, p. 5). Therefore, in his opinion, the ascia was depicted on tombstones as a symbol associated with the departure to the other world, which he illustrates with two tombstones from Ravenna, on which it is shown with Hermes (Mansuelli, 1967, p. 165-166, pl. 38, fig. 103). On the other hand, a number of examples from Gaul bear witness to the fact that ascia was a true tool, since there it is invariably depicted with other tools, like on the monuments from Kavadar with a sickle, and the same is corroborated by our specimen from Skopje. Therefore, we consider B. Gabričević’s opinion about its double meaning as the most adequate interpretation.
22The sickle (falx) is depicted on two steles from the Scupi area: on the mentioned stele from Skopje, in addition to an ascia, and on a stele from Bardovci, with a funerary banquet scene in a niche, where it is depicted within a pedestal44 (fig. 11). In both examples the depiction is very shallow. In the opinion of B. Josifovska, this is a curved knife (culter crepidarius), which, according to J. Forbes, was used in Roman times for cutting leather in the production of sandals (Josifovska, 1960, p. 208, note 45). She provides further corroboration by stating that sandals, in this case, do not only depict a part of female garment, but also a product of the deceased person during their life; the tool, of course, was used for cutting leather for making sandals, based on which the author concludes that this was a shoe-maker (ibid., p. 208-209, note 47). However, it is known that sandals were depicted on monuments as female attributes, all the more so when they are shown in association with other female accessories, like in our case, where they are depicted on the mentioned steles dedicated to women from rural areas in present-day Albania (Komata, 1989, p. 221-222, fig. 2b, 4), as well as in other places45, where a good example is provided by a stele from Pisae, with separate female and male attributes (Josifovska, 1960, p. 206, note 34).
23Based on these and other examples, we believe that this is a sickle, which was primarily used in viticulture. This assertion is primarily based on the fact that in Asia Minor, where it is fairly common, this tool is mostly depicted in association with female toilet and handwork accessories, both independently and in combination with other tools46, or with other tools only. For instance, on a specimen from Phrygia, there is a grapevine with a cluster of grapes beneath a sickle. The two motifs are probably connected by the fact that this tool was used for cutting vine (MAMA, 1937, pl. 30, fig. 89). It is found also, but very rarely, with sandals – in this case, too, there is also a grapevine with a cluster of grapes (ibid., pl. 22, fig. 44 (1)). Further, a relief from Lybia depicts a human figure holding this tool next to a grapevine with a cluster of grapes (Mendel, 1914, p. 64-65, n. 302 (735)). On a figural stele with the depiction of female accessories from Phrygia, this tool is shown in the right hand of a standing male figure, who holds some fruits close to the chest with his left hand (Pfuhl, Möbius, 1979, pl. 172, fig. 1136). In accordance with these depictions, the scholars who studied these monuments from Asia Minor called this tool: “sickle-knife”, “vineyard knife” or “garden knife”47. On the other hand, other examples, for instance the steles depicting asciae from Kavadar, which, like in our case, are always associated with a sickle, bear witness to the fact that the joint presence of these two motifs is a fairly ordinary phenomenon. The sickle, in combination with other tools or on its own, is found on monuments from two centres in different parts of the territory of the Illyrians: two from Burnum, dedicated to soldiers, where it is depicted on a pedestal with other tools, including an ascia on one of these monuments48, and several monuments from Dyrrhachium, dedicated to civilians of a rural environment, in which it is shown as an independent motif (Toçi, 1962, p. 114-115, fig. 72). As we have already mentioned, on steles in Phrygia, this tool, which, by a bulge on the exterior resembles very much the specimen from Bardovci (fig. 11), is shown in the hands of standing male figures49, but probably signifying a general symbol of male occupation.

Fig. 11. Stele with sickle and a funerary banquet scene, Bardovci (area of Scupi), in situ.
24As far as the origin of this motif on our monuments is concerned, we have explained its bearer on the Scupi example (fig. 7), while in the case of the stele from Bardovci this was a veteran of the 7th Claudian legion, whose cognomen Marcellus and patronymic Marcus were very common in the Roman Empire (Alföldy, 1969, p. 237-238), while his tribus, Scaptia, without indicated place points to north Italian origin, similar to two examples, also from the Scupi area, with veterans of the same legion50. Primarily, starting from the fact that the other motifs present on the stele from Scupi, for instance, items of female toiletry and clothing, including probably also the ascia itself, originate from Asia Minor, in our opinion, to this tool, too, which we have interpreted as a sickle, we should attribute the same origin. In the same vein, in the case of the stele from Bardovci, regardless of the north Italian origin of the deceased person, for the inspiration for the depiction of this tool we should primarily look to the East, in favour of which speaks its shape, identical to that on monuments in Asia Minor. However, as a simple farming tool, directly associated with the occupation of the deceased person, or as a symbol of occupation in the general sense, it may have been created independently, as corroborated by its depiction on monuments in Dyrrhachium.
25Hammer, axe and pincers (malleus, securis, forcipis) are depicted on two steles in different centres: on one, the already mentioned stele from Mirkovci in the Scupi area (fig. 4), a hammer is depicted with a mirror in the interval space, while on the other, from Klina in the area of the municipium of unknown name on the upper course of the White Drin (Drinus fl.) river, in Dërsnik village (Kosovo) an axe and pincers were executed in a very shallow relief, with pronounced contours, on the base of the inscription field (vulić, 1941-48, p. 125, n. 273) (fig. 12).
26A look at the neighbouring areas, we find such examples in the western part of the province of Macedonia, where they are present in Dyrrhachium and Apolonia51, (124) while other centres of this area yielded figural steles depicting the deceased person equipped with working tools, most often with blacksmith’s tools (Gjergji, 1969, p. 154, fig. 2, 3). From Dalmatia52 and Histria (Jurkić, 1975, p. 324, pl. 2, fig. 2) we also know of steles that depict tools, some of which provide analogies to our examples. Depictions of tools are known from other provinces, too, above all from Gaul (Hatt, 1942, p. 246, fig. 9; p. 247, fig. 10 ff.) and Asia Minor53.

Fig. 12. Stele with hammer, axe and pincers, Klina (area of the municipium in Dërsnik village), Archaeological Museum Skopje.
27The symbolic meaning of these tools is clear. They were directly associated with the occupation of the deceased person during life, and therefore symbolised the craft they practiced54. Portraits of people practicing their craft bear witness to that. Therefore, in the case of the Mirkovci monument the person was probably a blacksmith, while the person from Klina was a carpenter. Although due to the lack of inscriptions we cannot determine the ethnicity of these persons, they were probably of local origin. Taking into consideration that depictions of tools as marks of the deceased person’s occupation emerged independently in all the provinces and regions of the Empire, in our case, too, we can consider it to have been an independent phenomenon.
28b) Symbols are depicted only once, on a stele from Timacum Minus, which belongs to the last 2nd century and the beginning of 3rd century. It shows a snake-entwined rod, the attribute of Asclepius, which is directly associated with the occupation of the deceased person. While this part of stele is unfortunately broken, it is also confirmed by the inscription, that it is dedicated to the local55.
29This motif with clear symbolic, which we encountered also in a cippus from Delos in Greece (Avezou, Picard, 1913, p. 111, fig. 7), reveals also the profession of doctor in Dardania.
Conclusion
30In spite of the limited data as regards the motifs of the second group – because there were arguably many other professions, too – these depictions are nevertheless important, because they offer us insight into the everyday life and occupations of women and men in Dardania during the Roman period.
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Notes de bas de page
1 Vulić, 1931, p. 202, n. 531; p. 213-214, n. 569; ČREMOšNIK, 1958, p. 10, fig. 4; Dragojević -josifovska, 1982, p. 123, n. 122; p. 138, n. 146; Dobruna-salihu, 2003-2005, p. 632, n. 7, pl. 4, fig. 7; p. 658-659, n. 53-54, pl. 29, fig. 47, 48.
2 Dragojević -josifovska, 1982, p. 128, n. 131; Dobruna-salihu, 2003-2005, p. 660, n. 55, pl. 27, fig. 49.
3 Vulić, 1931, p. 209, n. 554; Dobruna-salihu, 2003-2005, p. 661, n. 56.
4 Vulić, 1931, p. 216, n. 580; Dragojević-josifovska, 1982, p. 105-106, n. 92; p. 125, n. 125; Dobruna-salihu, 2003-2005, p. 667, n. 67, pl. 32, fig. 6o; p. 716, n. 142, pl. 73, fig. 133.
5 Vulić, 1931, p. 214, n. 570; Čremošnik, 1958, p. 10; Dobruna-Salihu, 2003-2005, p. 679, n. 83, pl. 41, ig. 75.
6 Dragojević-josifovska, 1982, p. 172-173, n. 225; Dobruna-Salihu, 2003-2005, p. 752, n. 198, pl. 96, fig. 178.
7 Vulić, 1941-48, p. 217, n. 429; Dragojević-Josifovska, 1982, p. 121, n. 118; Dobruna-Salihu, 2003-2005, p. 752, n. 218, pl. 105, fig. 192.
8 Vulić, 1909, p. 159 C; Petrović, 1995, p. 117-118, n. 81; p. 127, n. 97; Dobruna-Salihu, 2003-2005, p. 777, n. 250, pl. 115, fig. 218; p. 782, n. 261.
9 Čremošnik, 1958, p. 8, fig. 2; Dragojević-Josifovska, 1982, p. 144, n. 158; Dobruna-Salihu, 2003-2005, p. 697, n. 115, pl. 59, fig. 107.
10 Dragojević-Josifovska, 1982, p. 116, n. 110; Dobruna-Salihu, 2003-2005, p. 668, n. 68, pl. 32, fig. 61.
11 Vulić, 1931, p. 206, n. 543; Dobruna-Salihu, 2003-2005, p. 765, n. 223, pl. 107, fig. 197.
12 Dragojević-Josifovska, 1982, p. 109, n. 98; Dobruna-Salihu, 2003-2005, p. 646, n. 32, pl. 16, fig. 28.
13 Vulić, 1909, p. 158, n. 94; Petrović, 1995, p. 101, n. 55; Dobruna-Salihu, 2003-2005, p. 746, n. 191, pl. 90, fig. 171.
14 Vulić, 1909, p. 158, n. 94; Mócsy, 1970, p. 20. The first one to decipher it as a woolen basket art was Dušanić, 1975, p. 132.
15 Dimitrov, 1942, p. 30, pl. 1, fig. 2/31 (from Ratiaria); Kondić, 1968, p. 272-275, 273, fig. 3 (from Singidunum).
16 Dimitrov, 1942, p. 42, pl. 2, fig. 5/70; p. 50, pl. 14, fig. 51/107; p. 27, pl. 15, fig. 54/20, 55/21; p. 49, pl. 29, fig. 101; Bordenache, 1965, p. 276, fig. 26; Pfuhl, Möbius, 1979, pl. 254, fig. 1759.
17 Ceka, 1982, p. 142 with photo; Koch, 1989, p. 155, fig. 6; Komata, 1989, p. 221-222, fig. 2 b, 4; Tartari, 1997, p. 248-249, pl. 4, fig. 21, 25; pl. 5, fig. 28; pl. 6, fig. 36.
18 Rinaldi Tufi, 1971, p. 114, n. 46, pl. 12, fig. 2; Cambi et alii, 1973, p. 10-13, n. 14, pl. 3; p. 16, n. 19.
19 MAMA, 1939, pl. 49, fig. 276; Pfuhl, Möbius, 1977, pl. 77, fig. 275; Pfuhl, Möbius, 1979, pl. 171, fig. 1138.
20 Keil, Premerstein, 1911, p. 139, fig. 84-86 (from Lydia); Miltner, 1937, p. 54-56, n. 60, fig. 33; p. 58-62, n. 63, fig. 37; MAMA, 1939, pl. 49, fig. 277-279; pl. 51, fig. 284, 288; pl. 64, fig. 368; Pfuhl, Möbius, 1977, pl. 71, fig. 427; Pfuhl, Möbius, 1979, pl. 172, fig. 1136 (from Phrygia).
21 Buckler et alii, 1925, p. 145-146, no 128, fig. 66 (from Phrygia); Pfuhl, Möbius, 1979, pl. 292, fig. 2018 (from Bithynia).
22 MAMA, 1937, pl. 6, fig. 24: here it is found between the spouses’portraits.
23 Mendel, 1909, p. 324, fig. 37; Miltner, 1937, p. 52-53, n. 56, fig. 30; p. 56-57, n. 60, fig. 34; Buckler et alii, 1925, p. 174-175, n. 168, fig. 93; MAMA, 1937, pl. 21, fig. 40 (1); pl. 58, fig. 282; Pfuhl, Möbius, 1979, pl. 307, fig. 2146; pl. 323, fig. 2287-2289.
24 Miltner, 1937, p. 55, n. 60, fig. 33; MAMA, 1939, pl. 61, fig. 355 (in the tympanum of stele in the shape of doors).
25 Wiegand, 1908, p. 154-155, fig. 3; Pfuhl, Möbius, 1979, pl. 172, fig. 1136; pl. 292, fig. 2018.
26 Miltner, 1937, p. 52-54, n. 56-57, fig. 30, 31; p. 62-63, n. 65, fig. 38.
27 MAMA, 1937, pl. 59, fig. 287; Pfuhl, Möbius, 1979, pl. 172, fig. 1142.
28 Keil, Premerstein, 1911, p. 86, fig. 45 (from Lydia); MAMA, 1937, p. 131, n. 285, fig. 61; pl. 21, fig. 41 (1); pl. 38, fig. 139 (from Phrygia).
29 Miltner, 1937, p. 55, n. 60, fig. 33; p. 62-63, n. 65, fig. 38; Pfuhl, Möbius, 1979, pl. 307, fig. 2146.
30 Keil, Premerstein, 1911, p. 139, fig. 86 (from Lydia); MAMA, 1937, pl. 22, fig. 44 (1); MAMA, 1939, fig. 277; Pfuhl, Möbius, 1979, pl. 172, fig. 1136 (from Phrygia).
31 Conze, 1893, pl. 48, n. 157, pl. 76, fig. 310 ff; Johansen Friis, 1951, p. 38, fig. 19.
32 ČRemošnik, 1958, p. 10-12; Dobruna-salihu, 2003-2005, p. 87.
33 MAMA, 1937, pl. 22, fig. 43 (1); pl. 30, fig. 89; MAMA, 1962, fig. 65, 109.
34 The discovery of a handle of a bronze mirror in the shape of a naked female figure from the second half of the 5th century speaks of the early use of such mirrors in this area, cf. Popović, 1956, p. 1 ff., pl. 1-2.
35 Petrović, 1995, p. 115, n. 77; Dobruna-salihu, 2003-2005, p. 776, n. 250, pl. 115, fig. 217.
36 Hoffiller, Saria, 1938, p. 184, n. 407 (from Pannonia); Russu, 1977, p. 187, fig. 127 (from Dacia).
37 Vulić, 1931, p. 67, n. 149; Vulić, 1941-1948, p. 58, n. 118; p. 59, n. 121; p. 64, n. 134; p. 74, n. 155.
38 Gabričević, 1959, p. 300; Rinaldi Tufi, 1971, p. 142; Vasić, 1977, p. 47 ff.
39 Mansuelli, 1967, p. 144-145, pl. 22, fig. 58; p. 164-165, pl. 37, fig. 101; pl. 38, fig. 103, 181; pl. 49, fig. 145 (from Ravenna); Scrinari, 1972, p. 123, n. 359 (from Aquileia).
40 Espérandieu, II, p. 193, no 1196; Hatt, 1945, p. 246, fig. 9; p. 247, fig. 10 ff; Walter, 1974, p. 128-129, pl. 70, n. 162.
41 Gabričević, 1959, p. 300, note 8; Rinaldi Tufi, 1971, p. 142, note 178.
42 Alföldy, 1969, p. 118, 240. But Seius is considered also as an Illyrian name, cf. Mayer, 1957, p. 298.
43 Alföldy, 1969, p. 238; Pape-Benseler, 1911, p. 864; Mirdita, 1981, p. 116.
44 Koračević, 1983, p. 215-218, fig. 1-2; Dobruna-Salihu, 2003-2005, p. 652-653, n. 41, pl. 21, fig. 37.
45 Comp. note 15 (from Singidunum).
46 Comp. note 32.
47 MAMA, 1937, p. 49; Miltner, 1937, p. 55; Pfuhl, Möbius, 1979, p. 281-282.
48 Patsch, 1900, p. 74-75, n. 4, fig. 16; Suić, 1970, p. 100, n. 4, pl. 3, fig. 1.
49 Comp. note 33.
50 Dragojević-Josifovska, 1982, p. 83, n. 54; p. 84, n. 56.
51 Toći, 1962, p. 115, fig. 57; Ceka, 1982, p. 82, 83 with images.
52 Vulić, 1931, p. 124, n. 303; comp. note 48.
53 Mendel, 1909, p. 328, fig. 40; Pfhul, Möbius, 1979, pl. 172, fig. 1136; pl. 175, fig. 1169-1170 ff.
54 On the meaning of tool depictions, cf. Suić, 1970, p. 124.
55 Petrović, 1995, p. 97, n. 49; Dobruna-salihu, 2003-2005, p. 780, n. 257 with the cited literature; AE, 1903, 290 = ILJug-03, 1291 Timacum Minus: D(is) M(anibus)/T.Ae[l(io)] Mar/tia[l(i)] med(ico)…
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