Iconographie du quotidien dans l’art provincial romain : modèles régionaux
|ATELIERS, MÉTIERS, COMMERCE
Representation of daily-life of legionaries and civilians on selected grave stones from Novae (Moesia Inferior)
Abstract
Un riche ensemble de plus de 200 inscriptions, dont un grand nombre sur stèles funéraires, a été découvert au cours des fouilles réalisées à Novae par le Centre de recherche pour l’Antiquité de l’Europe du Sud-Est de l’Université de Varsovie. Les objets de la vie quotidienne sont représentés sur beaucoup d’entre elles. Ces représentations sont ici analysées d’un point de vue iconographique et iconologique.
Termini per la ricerca
Testo integrale
1Roman gravestones constitute a rich source for studies of different aspects of daily life in the Roman Empire. Their form and iconography were subject to specific rules, but the iconographic model was shaped with relative freedom whether at the request of those commissioning the stone or at the initiative of the craftsmen executing the marker. Keeping to the frame of the iconological assumption reflecting religious beliefs or social status and function of the deceased, they created an artistic composition that partook of different motifs drawn from the world around them to express the symbolic meaning.
2Officinae lapidariae were also subject to changing fashions as well as representing different levels of technical prowess which should not be forgotten when analyzing the material. Ready patterns were indeed employed, but their combining into a composition was dependent primarily on the symbolism as well as on the commissioning person’s individual artistic taste. The composition was a synthetic «description» of the life and achievements of the deceased taking into account the person’s transcendental beliefs.
3The steles were in a sense doors to another world bearing a literal (inscription) and pictorial synthesis of the life of the deceased as seen by the descendants. Steles with representations of doors, known from Dalmatia as well as Caria (Dodig, 2005, p. 205-211; Tončić, 2005, p. 281-286) illustrate this idea directly.
4Funerary steles «speak» in different ways. Inscriptions bring the person of the deceased out of oblivion. They tell us of the social status, origin, military rank, ethnos, occupation, membership in different associations and even personal interests of the deceased. The representations give an idea of the dress, fashionable hairdos, objects of everyday use. The presence of characteristic motifs gives an idea of religious beliefs. Detailed analyses may even lead to identification of real species of fauna and flora characteristic of a given region. In turn, the execution and letter shape are useful in determining the age of a stele, even if the craftsmanship was not high. On a synthetic level it is even possible to identify characteristic features of the art of a given province or town.
5All these data can be found on steles discovered at Novae (Moesia Inferior) (fig. 1), a fortress of the Eighth Augusta legion and later of the First Italica, and subsequently a late antique town functioning uninterrupted through the Middle Ages (Novae I, 2008, p. 31-70). A rich set of more than 200 inscriptions (Božilova et alii, 1991; Kolendo, Božilova, 1997) of which a large part are funerary steles, comes from the excavations at Novae (fig. 2) carried out by the Research Center for the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe of the University of Warsaw, as well as from the immediate vicinity of the town where the ancient cemeteries were located.
6The steles belonged to legionaries died in camp, veterans, freedmen and Roman settlers. With time the initial differences disappeared as a result of progressing social, economic and religious unification. In effect, all the gravestones started to be composed according to commonly accepted and understood principles and ideas even while retaining a local individuality. Thus the steles from the lower Danube have come to be so easily recognizable and characteristic in their overall expression.
7An analysis of the shape of these gravestones reveals their exceptional richness. The same idea is expressed on funerary naoi constituting part of a heroization program of the deceased as well as on steles where a chapel facade occupies the upper register of the composition. Next to gravestones of large size, their surface richly decorated, there are more modest monuments, but they too contain symbolic and presumably easily interpreted by the viewer symbols associated with death or emphasizing certain characteristics of the deceased. Therefore, the rich set of gravestones from Novae contains all the elements essential to an analysis of expressions of everyday life in Lower Moesia, mainly in the chronological period from the 1st to the 4th century AD.
8From AD 44/45 Novae was the seat of the Eighth Augusta legion (Conrad, 2004, p. 25), which was replaced in AD 69 by the First Italica (Kolendo, 1977, p. 399-408; Sarnowski, 1985, p. 107-127). After the barbarian raids of the mid 3rd century AD it turned gradually into a civil town (Dyczek, 1998, p. 28), functioning with short intervals (Ciołek, Dyczek, 2011, p. 42-44) practically until the 14th century AD. The rich and stormy history of the town found reflection also in the highly differentiated epigraphic monuments and the artistic motifs decorating the gravestones. Regardless of symbolic meaning of the motifs, artists made an effort to present them in realistic form to eliminate any chance for misinterpretation. This care was not accidental in my opinion and appears to be a specific characteristic of the funerary steles in question. The reason must have been quite prosaic. While both Latin and Greek were in use in Lower Moesia, many of the province inhabitants would have been illiterate and for them the writing on the steles was of little significance, if at all. The iconographic message had to be obvious, if the memory of the deceased was to be preserved. Earlier iconographic analyses of two steles, one with birds on which specific species could be identified (Dyczek, 2005, p. 263-272; Dobrowolski, Piasecki, 2003, p. 59-65; Kolendo, 2003, p. 67-75) and the other with a coena funebris (Dyczek, 2015, p. 107-118) (fig. 3) have already demonstrated the extent of the realistic or even veristic approach to the execution of the images.
9Presented here are the most representative gravestones from this rich collection, illustrating different aspects of daily life.
10From the period when the Eighth Augusta legion was stationed at Novae there are three inscriptions preserved, all originating from secondary contexts. An epitaph with a cornu image was built into a late Roman tomb (Kolendo, Božilova, 1997, p. 117) (fig. 4), a fragment of a stele with a sword depicted had been reused as a paving slab in the surface of the porta principalis dextra and an undecorated stele of a legionary who had been a native of modern Cologne (Dyczek et alii, 2001, p. 15) formed part of the pavement of a street created in the second half of the 3rd century AD, crossing east-west through the old valetudinarium (Dyczek, 1998, p. 19, fig. 2,2). The oldest of these is an epitaph of P. Farinias Severus, cornicen VIII Augusta (Kolendo, Božilova, 1997, p. 117-118, no 81). It belongs to typological group VI according to Alexandrescu Vianu and Form Ib, variant 1 according to S. Conrad (Alexandrescu-Vianu, 1985, p. 61, 75, fig. 5,4; Conrad, 2004, p. 227, no 376, Taf. 74, 1-2). The acroterion is in the shape of two lion’s heads (Ventura, Giovannini, 2015, p. 352-353, fig. 17, 20) at the top corners, flanking a flower in the center, recognizable as a rosette (Conrad, 2001, p. 92), although it can also be identified as a houseleeks (Sempervirens tectorum L.), a plant connected with Jupiter in the Roman tradition. Its image on the stele may have had symbolic significance, referring in a straightforward manner to the legion (although the legion’s emblem was a bull). Of greatest interest, however, is the representation in the lower part of the stele, below the inscription panel. A cornu or horn was depicted in raised relief, standing clearly for the function of the deceased whose name was Severus (Conrad, 2001, p. 92). The instrument has been depicted with great realism–the decorated crosspiece and the bell (Speidel, 1976, p. 148-162). Three different representations of horns are known from funerary stele (beside Novae) and they are all later than the stone from Novae, hence it uniqueness (Alexandrescu, 2010, p. 323, Beilage 4). The stele appears to merge two traditions: one from northern Italy of the 1st century AD presenting lion’s heads as acroteria (Dimitrov, 1942, p. 78; Oppermann, 1978, p. 170; Gabelmann, 1977, p. 229, Abb. 20) with another developed in early 1st century AD Moesia (before the division of the province into Upper and Lower) (Dyczek, 2001, p. 9-10), possibly in Dobrudja (Conrad, 2004, p. 41-43, Taf 11). In the symbolic sense, therefore, the stele was addressed to two different audiences: Romans and the local «Moesian» population. It is all the more interesting when one remembers that the Eighth Augusta was stationed in Moesia only about twenty years and we do not known when Severus died. Despite the shortness of the period in question, there had been time for the two traditions to have inluenced one another, attesting to the surprising rapidity of the process of shaping iconographic models.
11A fragment of stele of which only the lower part has been preserved probably belonged to the same type (Ib) (fig. 5). Depicted on it is an image of a gladius sword (Kolendo, 1965, p. 144-145, no 8; 2011, p. 25-26, fig. 5; cf. Biborski, Kolendo, 2009, tab. IV, 2) (on the right) and vitis centurionis (on the left), framed by an ornamental vine scroll (Conrad, 2004, p. 235). Only two letters have remained of the original inscription: SQ. The representation has only one parallel, a stele from Histria (Nylen, 1963, p. 229). It is too fragmentary for the upper part of the vitis, but the realistically presented sword may be identified. It is most probably a sword of the Newstead (Kaczanowski, 1992, p. 23-24.) or Bell-Zemplin type in M. Biborski’s typology (Biborski, Kolendo, 2009, p. 52) and may be dated to the 1st century AD, which corresponds well with the dating of steles of the type on which it was depicted.
12Fragments of swords of this type were found at Novae, although from later contexts. A very well preserved example of the handle of a sword of the Khisine-Köln type from the 3rd century AD merits attention (Dyczek, 2003, p. 127-128; Biborski, 2011, p. 109-117).
13Images of writing implements: a stylus (fig. 6) and tablet, and a diptych, are found on three funerary steles belonging to legionaries of the First Italic. The first of these was incorporated into the pavement of the street described above (so-called via inscriptionum) that cut across the area of the old army hospital (Dyczek, 1998, p. 19, fig. 2, 3). Its interest lies in the depiction of objects determining the function of the deceased legionary and the inscription that was preserved on it. From the text we learn that the legionary Caius Aurelius first served in the V Asturum cohors and then, perhaps after it was destroyed in AD 69, was transferred to the First Italica which arrived in Novae that year from Gaul. The second stela with a stylus and tablet was built into a channel inside the Building of the Porticoes of the 4th century AD stela, raised on the ruins of the army hospital (Kolendo, Božilova, 1997, no 110, p. 144-145; Kolendo, 2011, p. 22-23). Of the third stele the bottom part of the frame around the inscription field was preserved with an image of a diptych below it (fig. 7) (Kolendo, 1999, p. 33, fig. 9).
14The three steles are a source of interesting information. First of all, on the recruitment to the First Italica legion, which was formed of Roman citizens in AD 66 according to Suetonius (Dyczek et alii, 2001, p. 2). The stele from Novae indicates that shortly after its founding its ranks were swelled by legionaries from outside Italy, in this case, a man born in Clunia in Spain. Second, the funerary steles show (in images, not writing) that the legionaries had served as scribes, tesserarius or beneficiarii. It is all the more surprising in view of the fact that the deceased in these three cases were ordinary soldiers. The third piece of information is «iconographic», the diptych shown on one of the grave stones, which suggests that the legionaries from Novae, like from Vindolanda, wrote some of their documents or their letters on wooden tablets. It appears to have been a common way of communication, more permanent than writing on wax tablets and cheaper than papyrus. The tablets from Britain were made of birch and alder. Analyses of wood remains from Novae have shown that a whole range of tree species grew in the region in Roman times: oak, ash, beech, plane, poplar and elm (Janowska, Kozakiewicz, 2011, p. 119-125), and it is likely therefore that the tablets were made of available wood, most probably oak. There is evidence that oak was cut into thin slats used for stuccowork among others.
Fig. 8. Tomb monument of Iulius Iero, lapidarium of Institute of Archaeology in Bucurest; photo P. Dyczek.
Fig. 9. Tombstone of Marco Atronio Hermeti and Atroniae Tycheni with representation vine-cutting knife; photo T. Biniewski.
- 1 Similar situation in Dalmatia, see: Zaninović, 2005, p. 275-280.
15These epitaphs of legionaries, depicting their functions that they were proud of enough to have represented symbolically on their grave stones, contribute to the discussion on the Roman army. Interestingly, there is no reference to the beliefs of the deceased. Instead, they are concentrated on earthly functions, presumably emphasizing in their view their biggest life achievement. A far-going religious unification in the 1st century AD, at least in the Eight Augusta and the First Italica legion, may have been the reason for this. The way in which the legion was formed out of citizens of Italy and the more Romanized inhabitants of the province1.
16One other fact is noteworthy. Inscriptions of the legionaries of the Eighth Augusta were found for the most part in the pavement of the street from the second half of the 3rd century AD. The town necropolis may have been violated during a barbaric raid in the mid 3rd century AD and the damaged grave stones were subsequently reused in civilian architecture. Still, the fact that the steles were standing safely in the cemetery for three centuries demonstrates the long-lived functioning of the necropolis. The graves were cared for and the plots untouched despite the legion being transferred from Novae in the mid 1st century AD.
17A certain degree of unification can be observed also on the grave stones of civilians from the end of the 1st and the early 2nd century AD. Until the Dacian wars there was surely in Moesia an ethnic balance between the local population which had not become Romanized and which was still cultivating their own burial customs, and the legionaries and Roman settlers, who naturally turned to their own beliefs and customs concerning eternal life. Thus, the trend in the iconography illustrating professional achievements was reflected in the form and iconography of steles made for civilians.
18This is well exemplified by the tomb monument of Iulius Iero (Kolendo, Božilova, 1997, p. 133-134, no 100) dated to AD 70-120 (fig. 8) (Kolendo, 2011, p. 29). T. Wujewski was inclined to date the type to the 2nd century AD (Wujewski, 1992, p. 260), although after S. Conrad this stele, belonging to his type VI c, should be dated to the end of the 1st century AD, that is, before the Dacian wars (Conrad, 2004, p. 236. no 411). This early dating seems extremely likely, especially in the context of the above views concerning religion. The epitaph was commissioned by a wine trader, as attested by the two barrels that were depicted in a frieze below the niche with the busts of two figures (Dyczek, 2001, p. 329, fig. 219). The said barrels appeared below the male bust and a mirror below the female one. The inscription in the panel between columns contained the information that Iulius Iero was a negotiator. The barrels represented on his stele indicated the commodity he had traded in and considered his greatest achievement.
19In shape, the stele is typical of the region on the Lower Danube. It cannot be excluded that the stone was influenced by Greek models known from the Greek towns of Odessos, Tomis (Alexandrescu-Vianu, 1977, p. 139-166) on the Black Sea, but we also see the transformation of this theme on the other sites in Dobruja, eg. Sacidava (Pippidi, Russu, 2015, p. 321, no 187), but the bust carved on it referred directly to a typical Roman tradition (Braemer, 2005, p. 47-48) and confirmed in a sense the trader’s Roman roots. It was presumably an intended compositional measure.
20Another important aspect is the confirmation of the existence of developed grapevine cultivation in Moesia already in the 1st century AD (Dyczek, 2001, p. 329). It is not an accident that steles with frames decorated with a vine scroll originated from the turn of the 1st century AD; it was then that grapevine cultivation became established in Lower Moesia (Gerov, 1955, p. 63-128; Cončev, 1963, p. 121-131). Vine-cutting knives falx vinitoria (fig. 9) were also depicted on the steles, suggesting that it was indeed this plant and its cultivation that was referred to, which does not exclude a symbolic or deeper iconological meaning of these representations.
21The tombstone of Marco Atronio Hermeti and Atroniae Tycheni is a good example with its decorative motifs including a vine-cutting knife and a bunch of grapes (Kolendo, Božilova, 1997 p. 129, no 94). It seems to be a clear reference to the occupation of Atronius. Perhaps he had some links with Greece as suggested by the cognomina of the spouses. The gentile Atronius appears on the lists of Bacchi vernaculorum known from the nearby Nicopolis ad Istrum and modern Butovo (CIL, III, 7437+ 6151). It may be that the deceased was a worshipper of Dionysus, although it would hardly be strange for a vineyard owner to beseech the help and support of the «god of wine». This is an example of the double meaning of the motif: reality on one hand and beliefs on the other. The meaning of the mirror at the top and the pyxis box are not easily determined in this case; however, in the case of a marital tombstone, as the stele of Ieron described above, the attributes of the husband and wife were depicted symmetrically opposite one another. By analogy then, if the bunch of grapes and the knife ate taken as symbolizing the occupation and beliefs (?) of the deceased man (Hermes), the mirror and pyxis box would for equal measure refer symbolically to Tyche.
22The custom of depicting objects of everyday life on grave stones goes back to the 6th century BC. These mirrors (Lloyd-Morgan, 1980, p. 101; 1981, p. 44-56), combs (fig. 10), strigillis, jewelry, etc. (De Schuster, 1989, p. 56), could have symbolic meaning and refer to beliefs about life «after death» and they often occur in similar contexts in the myths of different cultures. Even today in folk culture, depictions of mirrors in particular, but also knives/razors are related to death. It is difficult to judge, merely on the grounds of the representations, whether they were meant as a symbol of a woman or had a deeper meaning among the motifs depicted on the steles, and whether they were related to life on earth as well as after death. The tombstone of Hermes and Tyche is a good example that on occasion researchers are able to draw deeper conclusions.
23On the first level of analysis, objects of everyday life symbolize the deceased and their activities: mirrors, jewelry box, comb are associated with women, barrels, vine-cutting knife, but also a shell, etc., with men (plus their profession). However, the presence of additional elements like wreaths around an urn, mirrors, an extra vine scroll or houseleeks, opens the way to a deepened interpretation.
24The general rule of composition, at least at Novae, is for the everyday objects appearing in the upper parts of a funerary stele to have additional symbolic meaning related to the beliefs of the deceased. If the objects appear in the lower registers, most often in a frieze, then their meaning is more direct; they are attributes of gender of the person(s) erecting the tombstone. Interestingly, these elements are included in the composition of funerary steles even if the persons, either spouses or kin, are still alive, meaning that «female elements» are represented for the wife and «male» for the husband, that is, of course, if they had decided to be buried in the sane gave in the future.
25In the rich collection of funerary monuments from Novae, there are many that reflect origin, for example, through the decorative elements used, whether characteristic hairdo or dress. This concerns in particular the Romanized civil population, for which it would have been a way of emphasizing their identity (fig. 11) (Pogorzelski, 2012, passim; Krierer, 1990, p. 225-236; 1991, p. 94-104). A separate group is constituted by the epitaphs and tomb structures put up by followers of Mithra, especially in the end of the 2nd and first half of the 3rd century AD. The meaning of the symbols found on these steles: kantharoi, ravens and Attises, was and is explicit.
26These selected examples from the rich collection of steles from Novae demonstrate how a deeper iconographic analysis combined with reading of the inscription gives an improved understanding of ancient reality. It is a paradox that grave stones can sometimes say more about life than the actual artifacts coming from archaeological layers.
27The present analysis was concentrated on a few not so explicit and by the same more interesting representations concerning both the legionaries and private individuals. In comparison to the other provinces, Roman Moesia (and later Lower Moesia) appears as an interesting area of iconographic and iconological experiment. Throughout the 1st century and the early 2nd century AD, the legionaries and Roman settlers, as well as the increasingly Romanized local population partly of Greek origin were searching for the best forms of expressing social and economic advancement and their personal beliefs. The stone workshops of Moesia create unique patterns and composition schemes, borrowing also from Greek tradition, in order to answer to this new demand.
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Zaninović M., 2005, «The Ancient Cultural Unity between the Central Adriatic Littoral and the Delmatian Hinderland», in: Sanader M. ed, Religion and myth as an impetus for the Roman provincial sculpture, Proceedings of the 8th international Colloquium on problems of Roman Provincial Art, Zagreb, 5-8 V. 2003, Zagreb, p. 275-280.
Note
1 Similar situation in Dalmatia, see: Zaninović, 2005, p. 275-280.
Indice delle illustrazioni
Legenda | Fig. 1. Map of Moesia Inferior, by P. Dyczek, M. Bura. |
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URL | http://books.openedition.org/artehis/docannexe/image/2125/img-1.jpg |
File | image/jpeg, 290k |
Legenda | Fig. 2. Lapidarium in archaeological base in Novae; photo P. Dyczek. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/artehis/docannexe/image/2125/img-2.jpg |
File | image/jpeg, 699k |
Legenda | Fig. 3. Coena funebris from Novae; photo P. Dyczek. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/artehis/docannexe/image/2125/img-3.jpg |
File | image/jpeg, 540k |
Legenda | Fig. 4. Epitaph of P. Farinias Severus, cornicen VIII Augusta; photo T. Biniewski.. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/artehis/docannexe/image/2125/img-4.jpg |
File | image/jpeg, 225k |
Legenda | Fig. 5. Image of a gladius sword and vitis centurionis; photo P. Dyczek |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/artehis/docannexe/image/2125/img-5.jpg |
File | image/jpeg, 473k |
Legenda | Fig. 6. Representation of stilus; photo P. Dyczek. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/artehis/docannexe/image/2125/img-6.jpg |
File | image/jpeg, 479k |
Legenda | Fig. 7. Representation of diptych; photo P. Dyczek. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/artehis/docannexe/image/2125/img-7.jpg |
File | image/jpeg, 264k |
Legenda | Fig. 8. Tomb monument of Iulius Iero, lapidarium of Institute of Archaeology in Bucurest; photo P. Dyczek. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/artehis/docannexe/image/2125/img-8.jpg |
File | image/jpeg, 274k |
Legenda | Fig. 9. Tombstone of Marco Atronio Hermeti and Atroniae Tycheni with representation vine-cutting knife; photo T. Biniewski. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/artehis/docannexe/image/2125/img-9.jpg |
File | image/jpeg, 158k |
Legenda | Fig. 10. Representation of mirror and combs; photo T. Biniewski. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/artehis/docannexe/image/2125/img-10.jpg |
File | image/jpeg, 848k |
Legenda | Fig. 11. Stela with representation of Barbarians (Dimum); photo P. Dyczek. |
URL | http://books.openedition.org/artehis/docannexe/image/2125/img-11.jpg |
File | image/jpeg, 911k |
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