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Remembering Nyerere in Tanzania

Marie-Aude Fouéré

Part 3. In Search of a Tutelary Figure

Chapter 6. Different ‘Uses of Nyerere’ in the Constitutional Review Debates: A Touchstone For Legitimacy in Tanzania

Aikande Kwayu

Texte intégral

  • 1 The CRC was formed on 6th April 2012, with retired judge Joseph Warioba as its Chairman.
  • 2 The CA includes all Members of Parliament and 201 Members appointed by the President from different (...)

1Tanzania is currently reviewing its Constitution promulgated in 1977. This constitution-making process is carried out under the Constitutional Review Act of 2011. The Act provisions include the establishment of the national Constitutional Review Commission (CRC)1 for the purpose of coordinating and collecting public opinions. It has thus provided a mechanism through which Tanzanian citizens could widely and freely participate in expressing and transmitting their views and preferences on matters relating to the nation’s 1977 Constitution through public fora organized throughout the country in 2012-2013. The Commission also consulted various groups in the society including civil society organisations, academic communities, and faith-based communities. These opinions were at the basis of the first draft of the Constitution, which was submitted to the public in June 2013. Councils were created at the district level – with members elected from the level of villages and streets to the ward level – in order to discuss and comment upon the draft Constitution. This led to the drafting of a second Constitution document, which the Commission presented to the President of Tanzania, Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, in December 2013. This second draft was taken to the Constituent Assembly (CA)2 on 18th March 2014. Thus, there have been three major platforms of debate about the new Constitution: the public, the councils, and the Constituent Assembly.

2In all of these debates, the name of Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere has come up again and again. The ideas and words of the first President of Tanzania, and Father of the Nation, have indeed been summoned to either legitimize one group’s position concerning changes in the Constitution, or to delegitimize the stand and argument of the other factions. Nyerere’s speeches and decisions have been used not only as a moral authority but also as a justification to debate the country’s destiny, and most notably the structure of the Union government. This chapter gives a brief account, with examples, of the use of the figure of Nyerere in the ongoing debates about the constitutional review. It presents how different parties involved in these debates have appropriated Nyerere to support their arguments or to dismiss others’ arguments. The chapter highlights the living legacy of Nyerere that is still vividly influential on the country’s destiny 15 years after his death.


3Following the re-introduction of a multiparty system in Tanzania in the early 1990s, concerns have grown over the slowness of Tanzania’s opposition to effectively challenge the ruling party and former single party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM, the Party of the Revolution). CCM has won all elections since the first multiparty general election in 1995, thus commanding the majority from the levels of village authorities to the levels of Parliament and the Executive.

4As a result, the opposition has been complaining and arguing that its failure to take power is due to structural factors, most of them instituted in the country’s Constitution. They complain that Tanzania’s 1977 Constitution gives the President too much power, including the power to select the Chairman of the National Elections Commission (NEC). The enactment of the Political Parties Act (1992) and the consequent constitutional amendments led to the establishment of NEC in 1993 as an autonomous government body under Article 74 (1) of the Constitution. According to it, the President appoints NEC members. One of the most important roles of NEC is to supervise and co-ordinate the conduct of the presidential and parliamentary elections.3 The opposition political parties have thus been demanding for a review of the 1977 Constitution as far back as 2001.4 This demand created public pressure that President Kikwete decided to heed. In 2011 he announced that he would form a commission to collect public views on a new Constitution.

5The second draft of the Constitution taken to the Constituent Assembly on 18thMarch 2014 addresses several topics that have been the subject of debates since then. These include the structure of the Union government, Tanzanian citizenship (dual or single), the appointment of Cabinet Members and eligibility criteria, and presidential powers. However, the topic of attention has so far been the structure of the Union between Tanzania mainland (former Tanganyika) and Zanzibar. It has been a burning issue which has divided the CA along the lines of party affiliations. The central question revolves around how the Union should be structured in the new Constitution. At the moment, the Union is organized in a two-tier government arrangement. This includes the main government (also called the Union government) and the government of Zanzibar (or Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar). The main government takes care of the Union matters, including all of the mainland governance, while the government of Zanzibar is in charge of the Isles5 governance. According to the government’s official website, “the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania is a unitary republic… All state authority in the United Republic is exercised and controlled by the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania and the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar. Each Central Government has three organs: the Executive; the Judiciary; and the Legislature that have powers over the conduct of public affairs”.6 This description states that the government is unitary yet explains the functions of two separate governments. This confusion is reflected in today’s constitutional review debates. As a result, a new institutional arrangement is being debated.

6Three different type of structures have been under scrutiny by different groups, each of them making use of the figure of Julius Nyerere to ground their views.

  • 7 See “Constitution should reflect Nyerere’s principles”, The Guardian, 14 October 2014.

7The first type is to keep the status quo by maintaining the current two-tier government. Its promoters are led by CCM as a political party and by President Kikwete as its Chairman. It makes use of Nyerere literally, quoting Nyerere’s political discourses in which the former President showed as an unflinching defender of a two-government structure, the government of the Union and the government of Zanzibar. To this group, maintaining the existing system is seen as the only way to preserve the Union.7

8The second structure that some CA members advocate for is a three-tier government. This second group includes members of the Constitutional Review Commission. Their vision is represented in the draft Constitution defending the creation of a government of Tanganyika alongside the government of Zanzibar and the Union government. They argue that Nyerere’s stand with regard to the Union structure should not be frozen and that the three-tier government is the only structure that will maintain what Nyerere had initiated – a true Union. This group, therefore, argues that Nyerere was a progressive and that Tanzanian politicians should walk in Nyerere’s progressive footstep by adapting the Constitution to present needs.

9The third type of structure discussed, defended by the opposition group Umoja wa Katiba ya Wananchi (UKAWA, the Coalition for People’s Constitution), is a modified three-tier government. UKAWA gathers members of the strongest opposition parties in the country, including CUF (Civic United Union), CHADEMA (Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo, Party for Democracy and Progress), and NCCR-Mageuzi (National Convention for Construction and Reform-Changes). This third group is critical of Nyerere. Questioning the legitimacy of the Union, they requested to see the original Articles of the Union, that is, the Union agreement document signed on 22nd April 1964 by the President of Tanganyika, Julius Nyerere and the President of the People’s Republic of Zanzibar and Pemba, Abeid Amani Karume. UKAWA even questioned the authenticity of the two heads of state’s signatures on the document. As a response, the Government Chief Secretary, Mr. Ombeni Sefue, announced during a 14th April 2014 press conference that the government would release the Articles to the public for the first time in the history of the Union.8 He then showed the document to the journalists.9 The Citizen newspaper cited Mr. Sefue’s statement that “the move was to show the proof of the existence of an agreement by Mwalimu Nyerere and Sheikh Karume to establish one sovereign country contrary to claims by some members of the CA that it did not exist”.10 Yet the question of the authenticity of the signatures, especially Karume’s signature that appeared to some as a fake, has remained unresolved, and still looms over current debates at the CA. I will now present in greater detail the position of each of these three factions currently involved in the current heated debates about the Tanzanian Union structure, and give insight into how they appropriate – or sometimes reject – the legacy of Nyerere to both advocate for and legitimize their views.

‘Nyerere said this… and so it should stay that way’

10The first group composed mainly of CCM as a political party has been using Nyerere to support their argument of maintaining the status quo of the Union structure. For them, the existing two-tier government should remain as it is because both former Presidents Nyerere and Karume carefully pondered its creation and put a lot of thought into it when it was adopted in 1964. The fact that this structure has survived for 50 years, and that it has fostered national unity and peace, are brandished as signs of the Union’s good health. The Union between former Tanganyika and the Isles of Zanzibar is also seen as a successful outcome of efforts towards unity on the African continent, which had accompanied the early postcolonial times, and therefore a symbol of Pan-Africanism. Discussions on social media networks, in particular tweets by pro-CCM people, reverberate Nyerere’s statement that we were all born Tanzanians. In 1995, Nyerere wrote: “[t] he reality is that the vast majority of the present citizens of our country were born and brought up in Tanzania – a country now 30 years old. No one has ever lived in an independent and ‘sovereign’ Tanganyika for more than 29 months, or an independent ‘sovereign’ Zanzibar for more than five months. There is no evidence at all that in either part of the Union they are dissatisfied with the Union; there is much evidence that they are dissatisfied with very many economic and social matters” (Nyerere, 1995: 6).

11It is noticeable that the proponents of a two-tier government have challenged the statistics about the Union structure that resulted from the public consultations conducted by the Constitutional Review Commission in 2013. They did so by asserting that these statistics, which were publicly presented by the Commission, would not represent the real picture of citizens’ opinion.11 People both from the mainland (39,000 in total) and Zanzibar (38,000 in total) participated in the polls on the Union. According to the Commission, in the mainland 3,510 (13 %) preferred one government, 6,480 (24 %) two governments, and 16,470 (61 %) three governments. In Zanzibar, 25 persons (0.001 %) wanted one government, 11,400 (60 %) wanted a contract government, and 6,460 (34 %) wanted two governments. According to political scientist from the University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM), Sabatho Nyamsenda, the total number of Tanzanians who want either one or two governments (to which he includes people who have not expressed any opinion about the structure of the Union, for not mentioning it can, in his views, be equated with approving the structure as it is) exceeds the total of those who want a three-tier government (27,800 people out of the total 77,000 Tanzanians surveyed on the Union). Nyamsenda also argued that the sampling was not valid, saying: “[t] here isn’t any scientific research which shows that a sample of 16,000 (people) can represent the opinion of 45 million Tanzanians”.12 On the heated issue of the sampling, Kitila Mkumbo, an associate professor at UDSM also insisted that the data collection sampling was not scientific. He contended that the 47,820 citizens who the Commission claimed to have surveyed on the question of the Tanzanian government structure were not systematically or randomly sampled; rather, they were people who voluntarily attended the public consultation sessions. He argued that the method used, which he calls “convenience sampling”, is not an acceptable method in scientific survey or opinion polls.13 On their side, CCM has been arguing that their position in maintaining the current structure of the Union is the strongest at the national level because the party has wide membership across the country. Nyerere himself had strong opinions about the validity of nationwide popular consultations. In his book, Our Leadership and The Destiny of Tanzania published in 1995, Nyerere argued that “[t] he ‘sample’ of citizens who expressed their views through CCM machinery is so very much larger than the ‘sample’ taken in the more fashionable ‘Public Opinion Polls’ (most of which ignore the majority who live in the rural areas) that the less random nature of the interviewees is completely outweighed” (Nyerere, 1995: 6). Although challenges to the Commission’s statistics are made in relation to two different scientific bases (one concerned with scientific representativeness through sampling, the other focused on the total number of people surveyed), both scholars and CCM members point to the same conclusion: the statistics of the Commission are not powerful enough to support the creation of a three-tier government structure.

12Apart from heated debates about the methods used by the Commission to conduct the public consultations and produce statistics, the reliance on the figure of Nyerere has been a strategy to defend the position that the current structure of the Union should not be modified. Some of the statements in the Constituent Assembly made by January Yusuf Makamba,14 a CCM Member of Parliament (MP) and also Deputy Minister for Science and Technology, capture this group’s use of Nyerere. Makamba is one of the vibrant upcoming CCM politicians who portrays himself as modern young CCM member but at the same time highly faithful to the values and ideas cherished by the party. On 15th April 2014, during a session of the Constituent Assembly, Makamba declared: “we (CCM) have been blamed here for quoting Nyerere too much… but he is one of the founders of the Union, and he wrote a book about the Union… so I do not know who else we are supposed to cite?” He then added that although some say that Nyerere’s ideas had changed over time and that Nyerere himself admitted some of his mistakes, “there (was) one thing certain: it is that when he died he was still a member of CCM, and when he died he had not changed his ideas on a two-tier Union structure.”15 By these words, Makamba was underlining that the CCM has the right to refer to the ideas Nyerere had stood for because these ideas were the legacy he had left to Tanzanians.

13President Kikwete himself strategically, and in a convoluted way, used the figure of Nyerere to legitimize his position on the draft Constitution. When he delivered his controversial opening speech to the CA on 19th March 2014, President Kikwete had invited Mama Maria, Julius Nyerere’s widow, to attend the session. According to the observer and critic of Tanzanian political life Chambi Chachage, Tanzania’s President did so to give his main argument insistence, legitimacy, authority, and power.16 Interestingly, different political factions have been trying to relate to Mama Maria in attempts to show solidarity or closeness to Mwalimu Nyerere’s family and ideals. These efforts to, in a way, appropriate Mama Maria are exemplified by a tweet by January Makamba. Makamba posted a picture of CHADEMA’s leaders Dr. Willbrod Slaa (Secretary General) and Mr. Freeman Mbowe (Chairman) sitting with Mama Maria, to which he added the caption ‘Subliminal’.17 In the picture Mama Maria wears a green dress while Slaa and Mbowe are wearing the CHADEMA’s attires (gwanda). The caption is indicative that Makamba thinks the opposition is not entitled to associate with Mama Maria; that they try to do so is, to him, laughable.

Source:​JMakamba/​status/​459239658866892800/​photo/​1 From left to right: Freeman Mbowe, Maria Nyerere, Willbrod Slaa.

‘Nyerere cannot be frozen… he was progressive’

  • 18 Joseph Warioba served in various high government positions during Nyerere’s administration, notably (...)
  • 19 Salim A. Salim is a renowned diplomat. Under Nyerere’s administration he served as Tanzanian ambass (...)
  • 20 Joseph Butiku is the Executive Director and Trustee of Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation. He was President (...)
  • 21 Mtulya, A. “Komba vows to embark on a rebellion if proposal sails through in assembly.” The Citizen (...)
  • 22 Hirizi is the Swahili word for charm or amulet.
  • 23 “Mwalimu hakuwa na mawazo mgando… alikuwa anafata waka (...)

14The Constitutional Review Commission led by retired Judge Joseph Warioba composes the majority of the group advocating for the establishment of a three-tier government. Some CA members who have not identified themselves with any political party also belong to this group. This group, in particular some commissioners, have been accused of betraying Nyerere for saying he was progressive. Thus, Captain John Komba, a retired army officer and CCM MP, lamented that “Why do I categorically charge the trio (that is: Joseph Warioba,18 Salim Ahmed Salim,19 and Joseph Butiku20)? They were among the closest aides of Mwalimu Nyerere… they applauded Mwalimu before anyone… they ate ugali and bread and drank tea with him… they know exactly Mwalimu died believing in the two-government system. How on earth are they abandoning it”.21 In response to such accusations and in defence to their position, Warioba, who also worked closely with Mwalimu Nyerere and is a Board member of the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation (MNF) led by Joseph Butiku, replied: “Nyerere did not have frozen ideas, he followed time and those who are saying that we have betrayed him are the ones who have betrayed him. Mwalimu left the Union government intact; he left when there was one Union parliament, when there was one Union judiciary with complete authority; he left when only one president was saluted, but now it is two presidents. The Union government that Mwalimu left has been disrupted. Mwalimu should not be used like hirizi.22 Are they doing what Mwalimu wanted them to do? Mwalimu was protecting the Constitution”.23

  • 24 In 2010 Zanzibar amended its Constitution to give the Isles increased autonomy within the Union. Za (...)
  • 25 See also “Nyerere Calls for Multi-Party System”, Daily Nation, 23 February 1990.
  • 26 “Address to CCM Extra-Ordinary Congress”, Daily News, 29 February 1992 (Nyirabu, 2002).
  • 27 See also Mbowe’s speech at Parliament: 5: 50-6: 10 (...)

15With these words, Warioba argued that with the changes that already took place in Zanzibar,24 Mwalimu would not – if he was still alive – defend conceptions of the Union structure similar to those he had in his lifetime. The Union structure he left is undeniably different from the one in place today. The argument put to the fore here is that Nyerere was not adamant about his ideas. Indeed, experience has proven that Nyerere was ready to change whenever seemed appropriate or inevitable. For instance in the early 1990s he supported the reintroduction of a multiparty system, which he had opposed earlier on the basis that when a fledging nation-state is in the very first steps of taking shape, it cannot take the risk of internal contest and dissension. Indeed, Nyerere had long viewed a one-party state as a means for protecting Tanzania from factionalism. To him, fully open competition between rival parties could open the way to ethnic, racial, regional divisions, arguing that “[t] his is our time of emergency, and until our war against poverty, ignorance and disease has been won, we should not let our unity be destroyed by a desire to follow somebody else ‘books of rules’” (Nyerere, 1961). On this, Prof. Mohabe Nyirabu observed that “in February 1990, Nyerere, the architect of one-party rule, made an acrobatic U-turn and proclaimed that it was no longer treasonable to discuss the introduction of multiparty politics. Tanzania, like the rest of the world, would be affected by the democratic changes sweeping across the globe and thus he advised his party and government to be primed for the changes” (2002).25 He cites Nyerere’s statement that “When you see your neighbour being shaved, wet your head to avoid a dry shave. The one party is not Tanzania’s ideology and having one party is not God’s will. One-party has its limitation”. In 1992, Nyerere pushed CCM arguing “CCM can and should welcome the opportunity to give a lead in yet another major peaceful political transition in our country. We have an opportunity to ensure that this change happens democratically under rules to provide for genuine democracy. This is a moment when Tanzania under CCM can choose to change and oversee that change, rather than be made to change”.26 Similarly, his ideas on farming cooperatives changed over time – he abolished all farming cooperatives in 1976 only to bring them back in 1982 (Savage, Guderyon and Jordan, 1982).27

‘Nyerere cannot be used in the current situation… He is not relevant’

16The third group is led by UKAWA, a coalition of opposition parties (CHADEMA, CUF, and NCCR). UKAWA has boycotted debates at the Constituent Assembly. The group walked out one week before the last CA session and has refused to go back in the second session that resumed on 5th August 2014. There have been attempts and mediations efforts to bring back UKAWA to the Assembly. The mediation efforts have included faith leaders and a prominent lawyer from Nairobi, Professor Patrick Lumumba. This group argues that Nyerere’s ideas are no longer relevant today and that Nyerere had not always been right. Tundu Lissu, an outspoken CHADEMAMP, the Party’s chief whip and UKAWA’s main spokesperson –is a known trained lawyer with reputable experience in working with the civil society in legal issues on areas of tax and natural resources. He has cited Nyerere’s booklet, titled Tujisahihishe (1962) in which Nyerere spoke about the importance of acknowledging mistakes. To add on that, Lissu also referred to Nyerere’s words that “CCM is not my mother”. He further observed that “the Father of the Nation was a human being, he was not a god, neither an angel, and he is not yet a saint28… he recognized Biafra and he was wrong”.29 To say that the Father of the Nation was wrong, citing the Biafra case, is unprecedented in the Tanzanian Assembly.

17There have been a few Tanzanian political figures, such as Reverend Christopher Mtikila, Chairman of the Democratic Party (DP), who have openly and harshly criticized Nyerere. During the CA session, Mtikila often asserted that the Union between Zanzibar and Tanganyika was never legitimate and that Tanganyika should be on its own.30 Yet, Lissu’s statement came as a shock to many. Even his party chairman, Freeman Mbowe, had to clear this matter up by stating that what they were questioning is why the government did not bring the Articles of the Union to the Assembly while committee members were demanding it?31 In the same speech Mbowe explained that the Father of the Nation, whom everyone refers to a lot, acknowledged his mistakes such as to abolish cooperative societies and local governments.32 CHADEMA fears it might be labelled as a party opposed to Nyerere’s legacy. It could be politically counter-productive and even a threat to their political survival, seeing how much Nyerere is remembered and recalled in a positive way in Tanzania mainland (Askew, 2006; Fouéré, 2014 and in this volume), in spite of existing dissent (Becker, 2013). To remedy Lissu’s controversial statement, an UKAWA delegation led by CHADEMA’s Secretary General, Dr. Willbrod Slaa, visited Mama Maria Nyerere at her home in Butiama, where Nyerere’s mausoleum is built, in 21st May 2014. During this visit, Dr. Slaa warned that people should not use Nyerere hypocritically. He argued that in the Constitutional Review Process, people should uphold Nyerere’s ideals by actions through writing a Constitution that respect people’s will and the nation’s interests.33 On 6th July 2014, in an interview with Mwananchi newspaper, Dr. Slaa again mentioned Mwalimu Nyerere in an effort to support UKAWA’s position. He cited a speech by Nyerere in June 1965, stating: “It will be stupid if people believe that the Constitution is unchangeable, even if it has been established that it does not serve the citizens’ need at that time”.34 He thus questioned the CCM’s basis for rejecting change in the Constitution if Mwalimu himself had insisted, as early as 1965, that a Constitution can be changed to reflect the will and needs of citizens.

  • 35 Ibid.

18He also challenged CCM politicians, asserting that they cannot ground their views on the Union structure on the basis of Mwalimu’s ideals.35

19The cartoon by Masoud Kipanya, a reputed Tanzanian cartoonist, aptly captures the centrality of Nyerere in the CA debates. The depiction that they will not accept anybody’s call to return to the Assembly expect if it comes from Nyerere is a clear indication of how ‘alive’ Mwalimu Nyerere is in the ongoing Constitutional Review process.


20The debates between the three factions advocating for a different Union structure in the CA debates underline the centrality of Mwalimu Nyerere and his ideas in the Constitutional Review Process. Although only one group takes Mwalimu’s ideas literally, the remaining two groups are also engaging with his ideas – whether to appropriate them or to contest them. This leads us to what Marie-Aude Fouéré (2014, and in this volume) says of Nyerere being used as a “moral toolbox” in which people draw ideas, values, notions to debate about politics and morality in contemporary Tanzania. Every group attempts to show that they revere Nyerere and his ideas more than the others. This explains why Warioba asked: “Who is betraying Nyerere between them (the other groups) and us?”36 Similarly, CCM seeks to show that changing the Union structure from a two-tier to a three-tier government would be betraying Nyerere. Thus Nyerere becomes the moral mirror through which these debates find legitimacy. It is important, however, to underline that the parties in the debates are using Nyerere only as an ‘object’ of justification. Each of them, in particular CCM and UKAWA, has its own political interests in defending a certain type of Union government. In this light, Nyerere is only used to provide moral and political legitimacy for the attainment of prosaic political interests. All in all, the legacy of Nyerere as a moral leader, as the Father of the Nation, and a point of reference in key national decisions is still alive.



ASKEw, Kelly M. “Sung and Unsung: Musical Reflections on Tanzanian Postsocialism.” Africa 76, no. 1 (2006): 15–43.

BECKER, Felicitas. “Remembering Nyerere: Political Rhetoric and Dissent in Contemporary Tanzania.” African Affairs 112, no. 447 (2013): 1–24.

FOUÉRÉ, Marie-Aude. “Julius Nyerere, Ujamaa and Political Morality in Contemporary Tanzania.” African Studies Review 57, no. 1 (2014): 1–24.

NYERERE, Julius K. Africa Today and Tomorrow. Dar es Salaam: Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation, 2000 (2nd ed.).

NYERERE, Julius K. Our Leadership and the Destiny of Tanzania. Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing House, 1995.

NYERERE, Julius K. Tujisahihishe. Dar es Salaam, 1962 [Let’s Correct Ourselves].

NYIRABU, Mohabe. “The Multiparty Reform Process in Tanzania: The Dominance of the Ruling Party.” African Journal of Political Science 7, no. 2 (2002): 99–112.

SAVAGE Job K., Newton J. GUDERYON and Harold P. JORDAN. “Review of Cooperative Development in Tanzania as it Relates to Agriculture.” Dar es Salaam: ACDI, December 1982.


1 The CRC was formed on 6th April 2012, with retired judge Joseph Warioba as its Chairman.

2 The CA includes all Members of Parliament and 201 Members appointed by the President from different groups in Tanzanian society.

3 See NEC website at [archive].

4 See Earlier efforts to modify the Constitution took place since 1977 but never led to a thorough constitutional review.

5 The archipelago of Zanzibar is composed of two main islands, Pemba and Unguja, commonly referred to as “the Isles” (visiwa in Swahili).

6 See

7 See “Constitution should reflect Nyerere’s principles”, The Guardian, 14 October 2014.

8 “Revealed: The Articles of the Union”, The Citizen, 16 April 2014, accessible at [archive].

9 Shekighenda L. “Articles of the Union in House Today.” IPPMedia, 15 April 2014, accessible at

10 [archive].

11 [archive].

12 See Nyamsenda, Sabatho. “Mlizingatia Maoni ya Nani, Warioba?” 31 December 2013, available [archive]. The original Swahili quotation is: “Pia hakuna utafiti wowote wa kisayansi unaoonyesha kuwa sampuli ya watu 16,000 inaweza kuwakilisha maoni ya Watanzania million 45.”

13 See Mkumbo K. “Uhalali wa Kitafiti wa Maoni ya Wananchi Tume ya Warioba.” 25 March 2014 available [archive].

14 Before becoming an MP in 2010, Makamba was President Kikwete’s speechwriter. He has often claimed that President Kikwete is his political mentor. In his tweeter account and blog, Politics, Society, and Things, Makamba often posts pictures of him and Kikwete as well as entries on his time as a Foreign Affairs staff under Kikwete’s leadership (when Kikwete was then Minister) and as Kikwete’s speechwriter when Kikwete became president in 2010 (see notably “Times in the Presidency: The Teleprompter Magic”, 29 July 2013, by Makamba, available [archive].) On 2nd July 2014, in a BBC Swahili DIRA TV program, Makamba announced his intention to run as a CCM presidential candidate in the 2015 elections.

15 The original Swahili quotation is: “Tunaambiwa kwamba Mwalimu Nyerere alikuwa hana mawazo mgando, alikuwa anabadilisha mawazo, alikiri makosa. Ni kweli. Lakini jambo moja la uhakika ni kwamba alikufa akiwa bado ni mwana CCM, na alikufa akiwa hajabadili mawazo yake kuhusu muundo wa serikali mbili…” (from 9 min 10 sec).

16 Chachage, Chambi. “Uhalali wa Hotuba na Uzito wa Hoja ya Rais.” UDADISI Blog, 23 March 2014

17 See [archive].

18 Joseph Warioba served in various high government positions during Nyerere’s administration, notably as Attorney General in 1976-1983 and Minister of Justice 1983-1985. He also served as Prime Minister under President Ali Hassan Mwinyi’s administration. Under President Benjamin Mkapa, he chaired the Anti Corruption Commission famously known as ‘Warioba Commission’.

19 Salim A. Salim is a renowned diplomat. Under Nyerere’s administration he served as Tanzanian ambassador in various countries and also in the UN. In 1981 he bid for the UN Secretary General. He also served as Prime Minister in the last two years of Nyerere administration between 1984 and 1985. He was the Secretary General for the Organization of African Union (OAU) from 1989 to 2001.

20 Joseph Butiku is the Executive Director and Trustee of Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation. He was President Nyerere’s Personal Research Assistant and Chief of Staff and Personal Envoy. He also served as Principal Private Secretary and Chief of Staff under President Mwinyi.

21 Mtulya, A. “Komba vows to embark on a rebellion if proposal sails through in assembly.” The Citizen, 25 April 2014, available at

22 Hirizi is the Swahili word for charm or amulet.

23 “Mwalimu hakuwa na mawazo mgando… alikuwa anafata wakati ulivyo. Hao wanaosema hivyo ndio wamemsaliti Mwalimu… Mwalimu ametuachia Muungano ambapo Bunge la Muungano lilikuwa na madaraka kamili, mahakama ilikuwa na madaraka kamili, aliacha nchi moja wakati anaondoka Mwalimu mizinga ilikuwa inapigiwa rais mmoja lakini sasa ni wawili… . Mwalimu alikuwa analinda katiba. Nilisema Mwalimu asitumiwe kama hirizi…” (mins 26: 38 to 28: 57).

24 In 2010 Zanzibar amended its Constitution to give the Isles increased autonomy within the Union. Zanzibar now has its own flag, national anthem, and a government with its Constitution. These were not in the 1964 agreements. Also listen to Warioba explaining the changes in (from mins 27: 32 onwards).

25 See also “Nyerere Calls for Multi-Party System”, Daily Nation, 23 February 1990.

26 “Address to CCM Extra-Ordinary Congress”, Daily News, 29 February 1992 (Nyirabu, 2002).

27 See also Mbowe’s speech at Parliament: 5: 50-6: 10).

28 There is a process of canonization of Nyerere underway, which started in 2007 as announced by Cardinal Pengo, see [archive].

29 “Baba wa Taifa aliyekuwa mwenyekiti mwanzilishi wa CCM alisema, ‘CCM si mama yangu’… Baba wa Taifa alikuwa binadamu, hakuwa Mungu, hakuwa malaika, na hajawa mtakatifu bado… Baba wa Taifa aliwahi kuunga mkono Jamhuri ya Biafra, alikosea, hakuwa Mungu, alikosea” (from mins 1: 12-2: 11).

30 See for example Juma, M. “Mtikila: Warioba kanirahisishia kazi ya kuifufua Tanganyika”, Mwananchi, 21 April 2014.

31 “Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti natoa ufananuzi huu… . kwa umuhimu wa Hati hii na kwa umuhimu wa mjadala huu… tunahoji tu ni nini kimeizuia serikali isilete taarifa hiyo mapema tangu imedaiwa na vikao vya Bunge” (mins 1: 39-3: 10).

32 “Baba wa Taifa ambaye tunamrefer sana katika mazungumzo na uwasilishaji wetu mahali hapa… alikuwa na tabia ya kukiri ukweli, Baba wa Taifa alikiri tulifanya makosa kuua vyama vya ushirika, Baba wa Taifa alikiri kuwa tulifanya makosa kuuwa serikali za mitaa” (mins 5: 50-6: 15).

33 See [archive].

34 Yamola, I. and E. Kachenje, “Slaa: Rais Kikwete ana rungu la Katiba Mpya”, Mwananchi, 6 July 2014, available at “Itakuwa upumbavu kama watu wataamini kwamba katiba haibadiliki, hata kama imedhihirika kuwa haitoshelezi tena haja ya wananchi kwa wakati ule.”

35 Ibid.

36 See when Warioba talks about the constitutional review commission’s statistics and the changes in Zanzibar while defending the findings and the arguments for a three-tier government structure (from mins 12: 04- 15: 04).

Table des illustrations

Crédits Source:​JMakamba/​status/​459239658866892800/​photo/​1 From left to right: Freeman Mbowe, Maria Nyerere, Willbrod Slaa.
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Crédits Source: Masoud Kipanya, 6/7/2014, published in Mwananchi Newspaper,​Picha/​-/​1597602/​2367674/​-/​3nmg4tz/​-/​index.html#leaf
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Holds a PhD in Politics and International Relations from the University of Nottingham and is a research affiliate of the University of Oxford. Her doctoral work analyzed the relationship between the UK government and faith group. She currently works as a research and development consultant at BUMACO Ltd. Tanzania. She is also a column contributor of the Continent Observer and runs a blog.

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