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Protest and Punishment

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Gérard Delechelle

Politique et répression

Louts and Layabouts in the Post-Welfare State: current solutions to delinquency and youth unemployment

J.R. Shepherd

Texte intégral

  • 1 Source: Employment Gazette, quoted in M. WOOD "Creating jobs in London", Worker's Control No. 3/4, (...)

1Present economic conditions have once again produced a large reserve army of labour. There are two reasons for this: firstly, the world-wide fall in demand for manufactured goods, transport and services, and hence production, and secondly, a recession has always been an appropriate time for profound industrial transformations, often leading to an erosion of industry's need for skilled workers. The decline in employment in manufacturing industry has been dramatic. Between 1971 and 1981, employment in the United Kingdom fell by 25%, and in the London area, by 37%1.

2The world crisis which began in 1973 and which coincided with major developments in information and production is one of such but it may well prove to be the most profound this century.

  • 2 Le Monde 07.07.83 "Les indemnités de chômage pourraient être amputées". As from november 1983, unem (...)

3Where deskilling and low pay for many, and for millions of others, the perspective of long-term unemployment with 'benefits' increasingly detached from any acceptable relationship with the current average wage2, have come to be the major determining elements in many people's day-to-day economic landscape, the reserve army of labour will increasingly be seen as a potential threat to social stability.

4All the signs are that there will be no real improvenent in employment in the forseeable future, and that long-term unemployment for many sectors of the 'working population', in particular for the young, is inevitably to be the dominant economic reality of the last two decades of the century, if we all survive 1984.

  • 3 James CURRAN "Freedom for youth-to be unemployed", The Times, 08.06.83 referring to figures publish (...)
  • 4 A. DEACON and J. BRADSHAW Reserved for the Poor.
  • 5 Analysed by C. GODFREY and J. BRADSHAW: "Inflation and the Poor" New Society. 18.08.83.

5At the present time3, there are over 1.25M young people under 25 out of work. The official projection for unemployment for 1988 is between 3.7M and 4.2M, although the Trade Unions have always challenged the way the official figures ignore certain categories (for example, married women who do not sign on for benefit) and therefore underestimate the real figure by as much as 30%. Recent calculations4 seem to suggest that there are between five and six times as many people on means tested benefits now as there were forty years ago. There is also considerable evidence5 that the poor are getting poorer. One of the reasons for this is that the rate at which benefits (unemployment, child and supplementary benefits) are increased is based on the increase in the Retail Price Index. The RPI itself is calculated on the basis of information on the changing nature of family spending (how much, and on what?), and this information comes from the annual Family Expenditure Survey. But the FES looks at a cross-section of families, and claimant's and low-wage earner's families do not have characteristic spending habits. The weighting produced from the FES is therefore to the disadvantage of these families if the price of essential goods increases more quickly than those of non-essentials.

6To make these two points is not to indicate that they are in any way surprising. Mrs. Thatcher's monetarist policies were designed to enable industry to cut down its workforce in the most drastic way, to inhibit trade union activity, to facilitate the export of capital, and to redistribute income upwards. It is the government response to the inevitable social consequences of these policies, and in particular as they effect the young, which we propose to analyse here. The predictable social unrest and protest generated must be countered to guarantee the stability of the State, hence measures against 'louts', and measures against 'layabouts'.

7The public discourse of the State as transmitted through the media insists on the temporary nature of the crisis, but as for economic recovery, as for putting the 'Great' back into 'Great Britain', one's certainty about its success needs to be tempered with prudence: Harold Macmillan who, as Conservative Prime Minister in the late 1950s coined the expression, and was reelected on the slogan 'You've never had it so good!', said recently:

  • 6 H. Macmillan at the Carlton Club in the autumn of 1982. Quoted in I. GILMOUR Britain can work (Lond (...)

"Now we are told that if we tighten our belts, the depression will simply go away. Nobody knows how. We are back in the age of witch-doctors who tried to make the weather by making the right kind of speeches to their constituency."6

8What is the situation in which young people find themselves in the early 1980s? We will now go on to illustrate some of the parameters which at present define the legal and economic limits of their lives in Britain today.

  • 7 OPCS Monitors FM2 (Marriages). The median age at first marriage for men was 24.1 in 1981 (FM2 83/2 (...)

9There is little doubt that the age-group between the school-leaving age and the age at which young people 'settle down' is particularly fragile. Figures for the age distribution of crime, to which we will turn later, demonstrate this clearly. Although formal proof of the link is hard to establish, there does seem to be some link between marriage and a gradual reduction in delinquent behaviour. The average age on marriage during the latter half of the 1970s in Great Britain was 23.7 years for men7, although increasing numbers of young people are now living together for some time beforehand- thus postponing what is becoming a less and less meaningful gesture in the sense that it no longer ascribes new rights for authorises new behaviours. This development is somewhat akin to payment by credit card, which enables one to acquire goods some time before actually paying for them. It may well be however, that other factors help to reduce delinquent behaviour in the early 20s. Car ownership, a tenancy or a mortgage, and H.P. repayments may all contribute to this.

10It is for this reason that the attention of the police and the courts has always been particularly directed at the delinquent activity of the 16-20 age-group, and to a lesser degree that of the 14-16 and 20-22 age-groups.

  • 8 Marie PLAKOO The 1981 Riots Mémoire de Matrise, Université de Tours, 1982. Part III: School and Edu (...)
  • 9 Ibid. p.60-61. ESN= Educationally sub-normal.

11In the expanding economy of the 1950s and 1960s, relatively little needed to be done for young people in their search for work: it was the period of (almost) full employment and rising wages. But now, the conditions defining the transition from school to employment (or, for many, long-term enforced idleness) are harsh, destructive and empty of meaning. This is particularly the case for the immigrant community. Marie Plakoo, in her study of the riots which occured in many British cities over Easter, 19818 insists on the fact that even before the official school-leaving age, a high percentage of children (and in particular, West-Indian children) are being removed from the normal educational process and placed in special (ESN) schools9, a process of institutional marginalisation which she argues, simply prepares them for what is to come.

  • 10 "Alienated Black Youth: An investigation of 'conventional wisdom's explanations', New Community Vol (...)

12The consequence of this is that the young are not only objectively ill-equipped to face life after school and to find work-increasing numbers are coming onto the job market with neither academic nor technical qualifications but that subjectively they feel themselves to have already lost out. A study was made of the attitudes of young people (unemployed, black and white) in urban areas in which the 1981 riots took place10. Some of the reasons which were given for this feeling of hopelessness-which was a characteristic common to both the communities were 'unchangeable personal characteristics' such as 'not clever enough' ,'too young', 'being black', and also self-determined personal characteristics' such as 'willpower', and 'determination'. Their environment had already taught them that they were hopeless cases.

13It might be argued that, faced with this appalling situation, caused partly at least by government policy, the State has no alternative but to alleviate the possibly dangerous effects of its policies while publicly minimising the causes which lie behind.

  • 11 'Was YOP a flop?', New Society, 14.4.83

14Thus, the 1983 budget of the Manpower Services Commission (MSC) is £1,000Μ, which is to be spent on improving the 'employability' of 16 year-olds, as though the problem was the young people and not the lack of jobs. Since the mid 1970s when the amplitude and permanence of the problem were recognised, a variety of schemes have been advanced. The latest, the Youth Training Scheme (YTS), has just replaced the Youth Opportunities Programme (YOP) and a variety of other regional and local schemes which had been operating for over five years. The YOP 'processed' 1.8M young people, and the MSC hailed it as a success. It is too early to be certain whether this is the case or not, but the evidence available at the moment suggests that, compared to a matched sample of young people who did not take part in the programme, the YOP youngsters were no more likely to find a permanent job at the end11.

15However, an analysis of YOP and the early stages of YTS suggests strongly that, whatever may be said publicly, the 'success' or otherwise of these schemes needs to be measured by reference to their aims, and the aim of these, and many other schemes (and taking the unemployed teenage population as a whole- individual cases can always be produced to prove anything) the primary aim of all these schemes is to occupy an otherwise inactive and potentially troublesome group.

  • 12 'Training for Life' Young Men's Christian Association's YOP Scheme Introductory Booklet, 04.78. In (...)

16That YOP was never a coherent strategy for employment is clear from the figures. It is also clear from an analysis of the programmes provided for the young people. Amidst the short-term placements, 'working alongside' workers in industry for from one to three months, there were 'community service placements', 'day release' (to 'draw together and interpret experiences gained during placement') and usually a 'concluding module' ('providing trainees with a period in which they can assess, with the help of the staff, their personal development during the scheme'12). One may well wonder whether 'working alongside' means 'training', in which case, why use an ambiguous term when a clear and appropriate one is available? It is also worth noticing that nothing is said about what happens after the 'concluding module'.

17A very strong normative influence is clear in the various educational' modules and their programmes, which demonstrate that YOP was not simply a programme to 'use up a crucial year of teenager's time and keep them occupied, but attempted to introduce concepts and constraints which their life experience up until then had probably taught them to discard: the appendix to the YMCA programme lists day release module topics (58 in all), of which 'Introduction to a variety of leisure time pursuits: hobbies, sports, passtimes'; 'Money management: pay slips, banking, budgeting, credit, saving, loans, mortgages, flat and house finding, landlord and tenant agreements'; 'Constructive use of leisure'; and 'Socially acceptable behaviour' are from our point of view (p.96§l) the most significant.

18Whereas traditionally, long-term unemployment has tended to be associated with middle age and the end of active life, recent growth in long term unemployment is increasingly amongst the young. One indication of this is that the number of industrial apprenticeships has fallen dramatically. The trade unions seem justified in their fears that employers would use YOP and YTS trainees as cheap labour. For example, at a time (november, 1983) when the Coal Board has cut the number of 18 year old entrants from 6,229 to 3,060 p.a. in three years, it is also advertising YTS traineeships at £25 (292F) per week- half the minimum rate for 16 year olds in the industry.

  • 13 Labour Research Vol.72, No.11, November, 1983. p. 303.

19It is worth noting that as Supplementary Benefit for 16-17 year olds is at present £15-80 (185F), they will be working for £9-20 (85F) per week extra. However, if Government plans go through, the difference between SB and the YTS payment should go up to £11-20 (131F), not because it intends to increase YTS, but because it intends to reduce SB to £13-80 (161F) or thereabouts13.

20In April 1983, average manual earnings for men were £143-55 (1.677F) a week. £25 a week is therefore only 17% of the average manual earnings for men.

  • 14 Richard GROVER Work and the Community (London: HCVO, Bedford Square, 1980) p.3

21Another illustration of the fact that many programmes are clearly not related to the world of work at all is illustrated by the case of the Job Creation Programme (JCP), launched in 1975, and aimed to 'provide short-term jobs of social value for the unemployed who might benefit from or be willing to undertake such activity'14.

22Faced with the daunting difficulties in the present situation of creating jobs in manufacturing, trade or transport, the last three governments have to varying degrees, for different reasons and more or less openly dropped job-creation as a top policy objective. To blame Mrs. Thatcher alone is to demonstrate a remarkable degree of political simplicity, or a very short memory, as the progression of the figures for unemployment show.

23Nevertheless, all three governments have recognised the danger in not providing something for the 16-20 year-olds to do, and curiously, the present government has turned to some of the very organisations it was otherwise castrating by the use of cash-limit restrictions and reductions in the rate-support grant.

24Local authorities (but also voluntary organisations and community groups) have been called on to provide "employment opportunities" more akin to the Boy Scouts 'Bob-a-job week' than to an authentic introduction to the world of work. For many of this generation of young people there will be 'no future', in terms of medium-term job-stability, and hence in terms of even a minimum sense of organisation of their own lives and giving their immediate future some coherence and shape.

  • 15 Holland Report (London: HMSO, May 1977) Young People and Work: A Report on the feasibility of a new (...)
  • 16 Holland Report, p.34 §3.13

25As long ago as 1977, the Holland Report15 recognised that youth unemployment was not temporary and cyclical, but structural and long-term, and that school-leavers 'begin as the unemployed (but) all too easily they can become the unemployable'16.

26The solution has been increasingly to invent marginal, 'socially-useful' activities on the fringes of industry and commerce. It is a strange paradox to hear the same government calling on the one hand for the privatisation of rubbish collection while on the other hand calling on young people to help out in old people's homes and mental hospitals. This new type of 'employment' corresponds to fondly remembered Victorian values which are once more in vogue. Is is good copy, and although it may be expensive, it is much less so than the alternatives.

27It is a mistake to associate YTS and the other schemes with job preparation when there are no jobs.

28Between 1962 and 1982, the Police Establishment in Great Britain was increased from 78,000 to 121,000. Spending on law and order increased by 200%. The number of prison officers over the same period increased from 6,300 to 17,000. The prison population in England and Wales went from 32,500 in 1968 to 41,800 in 1978 and is well over 45,000 this year. The Director-General of the Prison Service in his Annual Report, 1981, said:

"The commitment described by Prison Rule 1 to 'assist prisoners to lead a good and useful life' is, under present conditions, simply a pious aspiration"

29Young people have been particularly affected. According to the DHSS Report Offending by Young People: A Survey of Recent Trends (October 1981):

"The number of juveniles sent to Detention Centre and Borstal has risen fivefold since 1965. Less than a fifth of the rise relates directly to increased offending; the remainder is caused by an increased tendency to give custodial sentences for almost every type of offence."

30It is essential when discussing the social reaction to delinquency, or the fear of delinquency, to understand the significance of the difference between the formal procedures of the Criminal Justice system, and the informal procedures (such as the use of police cautioning). In quantitative terms the latter are more significant than the formal procedures. In political terms, the formal procedures are the most visible. To illustrate our claim that the system is becoming more and more repressive for young people, we have chosen to present one important example of each, remembering the fact that the Criminal Justice system functions as a whole and that globally, the figures confirm our choice of examples.

31Over the last decade, many areas have introduced juvenile Bureaux, run by the police. Administratively, the JB are placed between detection and prosecution (or cautioning), and were intended to act as filters. The idea behind this was that far too many young people charged with trivial offences were cluttering up the courts. It was argued that such trivial behaviour, on the fringes of delinquency, should be decriminalised by being dealt with before it arrived in court.

  • 17 J.A. DITCHFIELD Police Cautioning in England and Wales. 1976.
  • 18 S. LANDAU 'Juveniles and the Police- Who is charged immediately and who is referred to the Juvenile (...)

32The JB can decide either to prosecute, to caution, or to take no further action. However, each police region establishes its own list of what are known as Immediate Charge Offences, that is to say, offences which the police decide are too serious for the juvenile to be given the 'chance' of passing through the JP rather than going directly before the Magistrates. The consequence of this practice appears to have been that the JB have tended to push larger numbers of children and young people into the system than before, over and above the increase which would have been expected due to the increase in juvenile crime17. Striking enough as this is on its own, the phenomenon appears to be coupled with an extraordinary growth in police cautioning in recent years. There is also evidence to suggest18 that black youngsters are more likely to be sent straight to court (+50%).

  • 19 EUREKA! Journal of the London Intermediate Treatment Association. No.3. Autumn 1982, p.4.

Police cautions delivered to juveniles19

1965

1977

10-14

16,102

59,831 England and

14-17

14,519

52,091 Wales

10-17

207

12,125 Metropolitan police districts

33There is a constant danger then that a) hardening attitudes within the system will increase the severity of penalties despite the fact that much recent legislation in intent and, on the whole, in formulation tends to reinforce the less punitive options open to police and magistrates, and that b) new populations will be drawn into the Juvenile Justice system who were never intended to get there.

(1) Minor offences, but sufficiently serious to be sent to the Magistrates' Court.
(2) Very minor offences, not serious enough to be sent to the Magistrates' Court.
(3) "Potential" delinquents.

34This diagram is simply a way of illustrating the table above, and its implications. The difference between the number of cautions (England and Wales) in 1965 and those in 1977 was (59,831 + 52,091 = 111,922) - (16,102 + 14,519 = 30,621) = 81,301.

35The question is, was this additional number of cautions administered A. AS A SUBSTITUTE FOR MORE SERIOUS CRIMINAL SANCTIONS on young people having committed minor offences, Or B, ON A NEW, NON-CRIMINAL BUT SOCIALLY MARGINAL POPULATION?

  • 20 There are many other examples which are highly pertinent to our discussion of social reactions to y (...)

36We can see then that the informal collective attitudes of groups within the system can greatly influence legislative changes and even turn them on their heads20.

  • 21 The most accessible history of the CYPA 1969 is M. BERLINS and G. WANSELL Caught in the Act, Childr (...)
  • 22 The Magistrate. Novl974; March, April, and December 1975.

37The second example is that of formal change introduced through the political system. The history of the Children and Young Person's Act 1969 is well known21. An Act which attempted to change the system from a basically punitive one into one where the major preoccupation was the care and protection both of children "in trouble" and children "in need of care or control", it quickly ran up against concerted opposition, and as a result of the change of government in june 1970, a number of important clauses were never applied. By the time there had been a further change of government in february 1974, the new Labour government appeared prepared to concede a great deal of ground to the 'blue rinse and purple nose lobby' as the Magistrates' Association is uncharitably known amongst social workers. The Magistrate, the journal of the MA22 documents the pressure put on the Heath and Wilson governments, and the concessions which were made in favour of a more punitive application of the law.

38The journal itself recognised for instance that the suppression of Approved School Orders by the Act resulted in Magistrates escalating their use of Borstal rather than using the non-custodial measures made available to them in the Act, thus creating the impression that crime was getting 'worse' because more youngsters were ending up in Borstal:

  • 23 Ibid. November 1974.

"The most urgent need", said the Magistrate, quoting Commander Peter MARSHALL of the Metropolitan Police, was for more secure accomodation "for the growing hard-core who are resisting remedial efforts and from whom the community is entitled to expect some measure of protection.23" (our italics)

39The basis of their concern was the rising trend in delinquency after the end of the 1960s. The 'growing' 'hard-core' was perhaps partly the result of overreaction to what they saw as a 'soft' law, but the trend in crime (as reported, prosecuted and punished) was rising. However, the meaning of 'trend' needs to be made clear. In the table which follows some spectacular changes can be seen in the numbers found guilty of indictable offences, but one needs to remember that various factors determine whether an act will be defined as criminal, and if it is, whether the author will be prosecuted.

40There are many illustrations of this fact which is usually glossed over when crime statistics are interpreted by the media- and as we have suggested briefly, their interpretation can be seen to have had an important role to play in the public image of crime and the young- especially those from ethnic minorities- over the last ten years or so, a public image which has been part of the context within which recent legislation has been introduced (Criminal Justice Act 1982). This legislation is considerably more repressive than what went before.

41The interpretation of criminal statistics then, needs to be approached with caution. To take two examples, any national police force is likely to be judged by the ratio between the number of crimes reported, and the number of cases 'cleared up'. If the police decide to 'concentrate' on a particular type of crime (one only has to think of 'gross indecency between males' in the period leading up to the Wolfenden Committee's Report on Homosexual Offences and Prostitution (1958) and the way in which prosecutions increased at that time, or the 'muggings' scare and the use of the 'sus' laws in the period leading up to the riots of 1981), the level of recorded crime can shoot up, delighting Chief Constables and terrifying little old ladies living on their own. The example above appeared by a strange coincidence the week the Police and Criminal Evidence Bill was being severely criticized in Parliament.

42In view of the arguments we have briefly presented above, the policy of the police force concerning prosecutions and that of the Magistrates concerning sentence, both possibly distorted, and certainly amplified, by the media's use of official statistics, may be as useful in understanding the progression of crime set out in the table, as the concept of crime itself.

PERSONS FOUND GUILTY OF INDICTABLE OFFENCES OR CRIMES, ENGLAND AND WALES (CSO, ANNUAL). PER 100,00 POPULATION.

1966

% INCREASE (8 YEARS)

1974

% INCREASE (4 YEARS)

1978

UNDER 14

1,622

− 15 %

1,406

− 13 %

1,240

14-16

3,199

+69 %

5,418

− 3 %

5,259

17-20

2,944

+102 %

5,962

+ 8 %

6,461

21-29

1,867

+ 34 %

2,509

+ 11 %

2,802

OVER 30

385

+ 52 %

587

+ 14 %

671

The table above is a composite table based on Home Office Criminal Statistics (England and Wales) and published annually in various forms, most succinctly in Facts in Focus (Central Statistical Office, published by Penguin).

43For the 14-16 age group, an annual increase of 8.6% between 1966 and 1974 which falls to a 0.8% decrease up to 1978 is likely to have been as much the result of the selective application of parts of the CYPA as the result of a fall in delinquency in this group. But what is disturbing is the continued increase in crime in the 17-20 and 20-29 age-groups.

44It would be surprising if the consequences of long-term unemployment from the age of 16 did not lead to an increased tendency to criminal activity. It would be surprising if harsher legislation, more repressive policing stimulated by scare stories presenting young people as a whole as indolent and delinquent, more systematic prosecution of 'offences' which before would have been passed over, and harsher sentencing, did not create a generation of revolt and bitterness.

45If a hard-faced society looks at itself in the mirror, it should not be surprised to see bitterness and revolt staring back.

46JRS/1183

Notes

1 Source: Employment Gazette, quoted in M. WOOD "Creating jobs in London", Worker's Control No. 3/4, 1982, p.9. (I.W.C., Nottingham).

2 Le Monde 07.07.83 "Les indemnités de chômage pourraient être amputées". As from november 1983, unemployment benefit for a single person will be £27-05 (316F), and for a couple, £43-75 (512F) a week, and what is more, the benefit is unlikely as from now to keep pace with inflation.

3 James CURRAN "Freedom for youth-to be unemployed", The Times, 08.06.83 referring to figures published by the Cambridge Economic Policy Group.

4 A. DEACON and J. BRADSHAW Reserved for the Poor.

5 Analysed by C. GODFREY and J. BRADSHAW: "Inflation and the Poor" New Society. 18.08.83.

6 H. Macmillan at the Carlton Club in the autumn of 1982. Quoted in I. GILMOUR Britain can work (London: Martin Robertson, 1983).

7 OPCS Monitors FM2 (Marriages). The median age at first marriage for men was 24.1 in 1981 (FM2 83/2 6 September 1983)

8 Marie PLAKOO The 1981 Riots Mémoire de Matrise, Université de Tours, 1982. Part III: School and Education, p.58-62.

9 Ibid. p.60-61. ESN= Educationally sub-normal.

10 "Alienated Black Youth: An investigation of 'conventional wisdom's explanations', New Community Vol. IX No.2 (1981) See: PLAKOO, p.88-90.

11 'Was YOP a flop?', New Society, 14.4.83

12 'Training for Life' Young Men's Christian Association's YOP Scheme Introductory Booklet, 04.78. In Sylvia SAN JOSE The Youth Opportunities Programme Mémoire de Maîtrise, Université de Tours, 1982 (Appendix E4)

13 Labour Research Vol.72, No.11, November, 1983. p. 303.

14 Richard GROVER Work and the Community (London: HCVO, Bedford Square, 1980) p.3

15 Holland Report (London: HMSO, May 1977) Young People and Work: A Report on the feasibility of a new programme of opportunities for unemployed young people.

16 Holland Report, p.34 §3.13

17 J.A. DITCHFIELD Police Cautioning in England and Wales. 1976.

18 S. LANDAU 'Juveniles and the Police- Who is charged immediately and who is referred to the Juvenile Bureau', British Journal of Criminology, January 1981, Vol. 21, No. 1.

19 EUREKA! Journal of the London Intermediate Treatment Association. No.3. Autumn 1982, p.4.

20 There are many other examples which are highly pertinent to our discussion of social reactions to young people. Modifications in the type of policing- the shift from 'the Bobby on the beat' community policing to hard reactive policing (sometimes called 'fire brigade policing') and the use of 'saturation policing' and specially-trained mobile Special Patrol Groups (SPG), especially coupled with the use of the 'sus' laws enabling a police officer to stop and search an individual on suspicion, was certainly, as the Scarman and other reports have indicated, one of the root causes of hostility to the police and of the outbreak of violence in 1981. The new Police Act 1983 reinforces police powers in this respect. An operation of this kind (codemane: "SWAMP 81") was the spark which set off the Brixton riots (PLAKOO op cit p.2l). Saturation policing to combat 'muggings' and the stopping and searching of 1,000 people on the streets of Brixton produced 100 arrests in 4 days. The Head of the local C.I.D. called this 'a resounding success' (New Standard 13.04.81). But another way of looking at the figures is that 90% of the youths stopped and searched were ordinary, law-abiding citizens who had committed no offence whatever.

21 The most accessible history of the CYPA 1969 is M. BERLINS and G. WANSELL Caught in the Act, Children. Society and the Law (Harmondsworth: Penguin, Pelican, 1974).

22 The Magistrate. Novl974; March, April, and December 1975.

23 Ibid. November 1974.

Table des illustrations

Légende (1) Minor offences, but sufficiently serious to be sent to the Magistrates' Court.(2) Very minor offences, not serious enough to be sent to the Magistrates' Court.(3) "Potential" delinquents.
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URL http://books.openedition.org/pufr/docannexe/image/4411/img-2.jpg
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URL http://books.openedition.org/pufr/docannexe/image/4411/img-3.jpg
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Auteur

Université de Tours

© Presses universitaires François-Rabelais, 1984

Conditions d’utilisation : http://www.openedition.org/6540

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