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AGRUMED: Archaeology and history of citrus fruit in the Mediterranean

 | 
Véronique Zech-Matterne
, 
Girolamo Fiorentino

Investigating the introduction of citrus fruit in the Western Mediterranean according to ancient Greek and Latin texts

Clémence Pagnoux

Texte intégral

1It is generally acknowledged that the only Citrus species known in antiquity was the citron (Citrus medica L.), introduced in Greece by Alexander the Great. In fact, Greek and Latin texts mention both a tree and a fruit, which is generally identified as a citron. Recent studies have been carried out in order to establish the fine chronology and the routes of its introduction into Europe, and to determine which species are mentioned in these ancient texts.

  • 1 Zohary et al. 2012: 146-147.

2However, the available evidence is still too sparse to trace a reliable history of its spread from its place of origin to notably the Mediterranean.1

  • 2 Mariotti-Lippi 2000; Jashemski, Meyer 2002; Ciaraldi 2007; Fiorentino, Marinò 2008; Celant and Fior (...)

3Moreover, Citrus archaeobotanical remains in the western Mediterranean area, especially in Italy, are still scarce.2 Furthermore, the Citrus species growing in antiquity were probably different to the species growing nowadays; therefore, determination of ancient specimens appears quite problematic.

4Greek and Latin texts provide descriptions of the plant, information regarding cultivation of the tree and the uses and properties of the fruit. However, in spite of the diversity of names used, the descriptions are quite similar from one text to the next. It is worth noting that ancient writers tended to repeat what their predecessors wrote, and it is probable, therefore, that not every writer actually saw the citrus fruit first hand. The aim of this paper is to re-examine the Greek and Latin texts on citrus fruit, in order to find out how the ancient authors named and described the plant, how they perceived it, whether the texts mentioned one or several species, and whether any clues for species identification can be found.

1. Names of citrus fruit in Greek and Latin texts

  • 3 Ramón-Laca 2003.
  • 4 Loret 1891; Tolkowsky 1938.
  • 5 Isaac 1959.
  • 6 Loret 1891.

5The introduction routes of citrus into Europe have been the subject of discussions and research for some time, mostly based on designation and etymology, and numerous theories have been suggested. A recent study based on citrus fruit names mentioned in Sanskrit literature confirmed the Far Eastern origin of this fruit, and their introduction into Europe during the medieval period, via northern Africa and the Iberian Peninsula.3 However, an introduction during antiquity into the western Mediterranean has also been hypothesized, based on the archaeological Citrus remains from Italy, and the Greek and Latin texts referring to citrus. A route to Europe via Mesopotamia, Persia and Greece was suggested.4 E. Isaac underlined the possible role played by Semitic people in the dispersion of citrus fruits into Europe via Palestine.5 An ancient acclimatization period in Egypt was suggested by V. Loret,6 whose hypotheses were based on the Egyptian origin of the Latin word citrus, ‘citrus-fruit tree’.

  • 7 Discorides, De Materia Medica I, 115, 5.
  • 8 Diosc., Mat. Med. III, 104.
  • 9 Athenaeus, Deipnosophists III, 84d.
  • 10 Diosc. Mat. Med. I, 115, 5.

6However, this hypothesis was questioned by C. Joret who stated that the Latin word citrus and the Greek word kitrion may have come from the Latin word cedrus. In fact, some confusion seems to exist between the words built on the root kedr-/cedr- and those built on the root kitr-/citr-, both in Latin and in Greek. Dioscorides, for example, uses kedromelon7 and kitromelon8 as synonyms of kitrion. The philosopher Phanias of Eresus, cited by Athenaeus, suggested that kitrion comes from kedros (cedar), because of the thorns visible on both trees.9 Nevertheless, since no Greek word built on the root kitr- means cedar, the change from cedrus to citrus may have occurred in Latin. This may indicate that Latin writers were more familiar with citrus fruits than Greek writers. With this in mind, we can imagine that citrus fruits reached Italy before they reached Greece. Furthermore, Dioscorides writes about the mela (apples): “we name them Median or Persian apples, or kedromela, and Latin people name them kitria”:10 it is therefore clear that kitrion and Median apple have the same meaning, and that during the 1st century AD, kitrion was a Latin word. This seems to suggest that people may have tried to grow citrus in Italy before the Greeks tried to do it in Greece.

  • 11 Theophrastus, Enquiry into plants I, 11, 4.
  • 12 Th., Enquiry I, 13, 4.
  • 13 Pliny, Natural history XII, 15.
  • 14 Plin., Nat. Hist. XI, 278.

7Greek and Latin writers used various names to refer to citrus fruit, but they are not scientific names and cannot be used to identify different species. Several names are related to the supposed origin of the tree. Theophrastus uses the periphrasis melea persike, ‘Persian apple tree’,11 or melea medike, ‘Median apple tree’.12 We find in Pliny’s Natural History the periphrasis malus Assyria,‘Assyrian apple tree’,13 and Assyrium malum, ‘Assyrian apple’.14

  • 15 André 1985: 68.
  • 16 Galen, On the Properties of Simple Drugs VIII, 19; On the properties of Food II, 37.

8Most of the Latin authors, however, use the word citrus to name the tree, and citrium or malum citrium for the fruit; in fact, several variants of the adjective citrius exist.15 Nevertheless, Greek authors writing after the 1st century AD also use the words kitrea and kitrion, and we find that in Galen’s work the periphrase referring to an exotic origin is no longer used towards the beginning of the 3rd century AD.16

  • 17 André 1985.
  • 18 Gargilius Martialis, Medicinae ex oleribus et pomis 45.
  • 19 Given that natural hybridization frequently occurs within the genus Citrus and with related genus, (...)

9In spite of this diversity of names, descriptions are quite similar from one text to the next. It is worth noting that ancient writers tended to repeat what their predecessors wrote: Pliny, for example, whose work resembles an encyclopedia, was not familiar with every topic he covered, and probably recycled the work of Theophrastus, Dioscorides or other similar writers.17 Gargilius Martialis also appears to do this when he recycles Galen’s description of the citrium/kitrion.18 It is not surprising then that they repeat other authors’ words especially in the case of an ‘exotic’ plant, such as the citrus fruit. Not every writer would have actually seen it, or they may have seen the tree without been able to identify it, because they were unobservant enough not to recognize it, or because the tree did not fit the description they knew. The plant described was a kind of ‘official species’, which several writers had never seen but knew about from their predecessors; meanwhile several species resulting from natural or man-induced hybridization were probably growing in Italy, Greece and elsewhere in the Mediterranean.19

  • 20 Loret 1891.
  • 21 Gal., Prop. Simp. Drugs VIII, 19; Prop. Food. II, 37.
  • 22 Diosc., Mat. Med. I, 115, 5.

10Despite this, modern scholars have tried to determine which species were mentioned in ancient literary sources. Some believed that it was the lemon, due to descriptions of its properties. Much later, V. Loret stated that melon medicon, citrion or citrium referred to citron,20 according to the descriptions of Galen21 and Dioscorides.22 Nowadays, Latin and Greek names which seem to refer to citrus fruit are all translated into ‘citron’ and ‘citron tree’; no one seems to consider the possibility that more than one Citrus species might be mentioned in the texts. In fact, since the names are not scientific names, and as descriptions are similar from one text to the next, it is extremely difficult to demonstrate. Moreover, there is no mention of the different types of citrium or kitrion described in ancient texts.

2. Descriptions and properties of the plant

  • 23 Th., Enquiry I, 11, 4.
  • 24 Th., Enquiry I, 13, 4.
  • 25 Th., Enquiry IV, 4, 2.
  • 26 Plin., Nat. Hist. XII, 15.
  • 27 Virgil, Georgics II, 131.
  • 28 Th., Enquiry IV, 4, 2; Plin., Nat. Hist. XII, 15.

11Greek and Latin writers appear to have used various names to describe the same plant: the genus Citrus. The first description is made by Theophrastus who described the seeds of the Median apple23 and its flowers, which are, according to his description, characteristic of the genus: “those which have a kind of distaff (i.e. the pistil) growing in the middle are fertile, while those which do not are sterile”.24 The tree’s identification criteria, according to him, were the leaves: “comparable with the ones of the oriental strawberry tree and the walnut tree” and the thorns “as those of the pear tree or the fire-thorn, but smooth and very sharp and robust”.25 Pliny also mentions the thorns,26 and Virgil compares the leaves with those of a laurel,27 though he added that the tree had a different, specific scent. According to Pliny and Theophrastus, the fruit was very fragrant.28

  • 29 Diosc., Mat. Med. I, 115, 5.
  • 30 Gal., Prop. Simp. Drugs VIII, 19; Prop. Food. II, 37.
  • 31 Loret 1891: 249.
  • 32 Loret 1891: 248.
  • 33 Garg. Mart., Med. 45.

12The first description of the fruit itself is from Dioscorides: elongated shape, wrinkled and golden yellow skin, very fragrant with seeds that are similar to those of the pear.29 Galen describes it more precisely as a fruit divided into three parts:30 the inner part, which contains the seeds, is acid; the flesh, which is juicy and refreshing; and the skin, which has ‘acrid oil’. Galen also names the middle part sarx, ‘flesh’, and the inner part sperma, ‘seed’, and, as he says that every part is sour, we can imagine a citrus fruit whose middle part (the albedo) is well developed; indeed, this is the case for the citron, and this description probably led V. Loret to his hypothesis.31 According to Loret, Dioscorides also describes a citron, because the ‘wrinkled skin’ he mentions is characteristic of this fruit.32 Gargilius Martialis mentions a fruit divided in three parts, using the same words as Galen,33 so it is unclear whether Gargilius Martialis described the same fruit that he really had seen, or whether he recycled Galen’s work.

  • 34 Palladius, On Agriculture IV, 10, 14.
  • 35 Geoponica III, 13; X, 7.
  • 36 Ibidem.
  • 37 Pall., Agr. IV, 10, 15.

13Some properties of kitrion, melon kitrion or citrium appear in Latin and Greek texts, which may be clues to determine the actual plant mentioned. Some horticultural treatises seem to indicate that the tree is very sensitive to the cold. Palladius writes that in order to grow it in a cold region, one should put the potted tree indoors, or in a garden facing south, and if possible cover the tree with straw.34 Some texts from the Geoponica contain similar information: the tree must be sheltered from the cold or brought inside during winter, and covered with straw, or for better results with gourd [Lagenaria ciceraria] leaves.35 The ashes obtained by burning the leaves of the gourd, according to the same texts36 and according to Palladius,37 are also a good plant fertilizer.

  • 38 Th., Enquiry IV, 4, 2; Plin., Nat. Hist. XII, 15.
  • 39 Plin., Nat. Hist. XV, 110.
  • 40 Apicius, Art of cooking I, 12, 5; V, 3; V, 4, 5.

14According to Theophrastus and Pliny, the citrium is not edible;38 Pliny also writes that this fruit is acrid39 (sapor asperrimus). Three recipes from the cookbook attributed to Apicius include citrium,40 along with other exotic products like pepper, coriander and cumin. As Apicius is famous for his extravagant and sophisticated recipes, the use of citrium here does not indicate that this fruit was commonly eaten, although it was probably edible.

  • 41 Loret 1891: 256-257.
  • 42 Th., Enquiry IV, 4, 2; Diosc., Mat. Med. I, 115, 5; Pliny, Nat. Hist. XII, 15; XXIII, 105; Virg., G (...)
  • 43 Gal. Prop. Food. II, 37; Garg. Mart., Med. 45.
  • 44 Diosc., Mat. Med. I, 115, 5; Plin. Nat. Hist. XXIII, 105; Garg. Mart., Med. 45.
  • 45 See Pagnoux, this volume.

15Several treatises on medicine mention citrus fruit. Its medicinal properties appeared in many works about the tree or the fruit, as inseparable characteristics.41 The use of citrus fruit as an anti-poison is frequently mentioned.42 According to Galen and Gargilius Martialis, it also eases digestion,43 and according to some other writers relieves the symptoms of pregnant women.44 Other medicinal properties and related uses which appeared in ancient texts45 can be attributed solely to citrus fruit, which may indicate that Greek and Latin scholars did know them.

3. Clues to ancient perception of citrus fruit

  • 46 Plin., Nat. Hist. XII, 14.
  • 47 Plin., Nat. Hist. XII, 16.
  • 48 Plin., Nat. Hist. XIII, 103.
  • 49 Th., Enquiry IV, 4, 2.
  • 50 Geop. III, 13.

16Other than informing us as to when citrus fruit reached the Mediterranean, literary sources also provide information about what this plant represented for the Greeks and the Romans, through descriptions of its uses and properties. Texts also contain information about how citrus fruits were regarded, and how this perception changed over time. In addition, information concerning citrus cultivation may reflect their knowledge about the plant. Citrus does not seem to have been widely cultivated in Italy during the 1st century AD: treatises on agriculture do not mention it, and only a few archaeological remains dating back to this period have been found here. Pliny mentions malus Assyria as an exotic tree,46 but does not regard it as a cultivated plant. He writes that some people “attempt to import the tree, because of its medical properties, by planting it in pots of clay”.47 He also notes that citrus decorated the houses48 and was not cultivated in the same conditions as the olive tree or the apple tree, as it grew indoors or in the garden. Theophrastus mentions melon medicon as being planted in claypots;49 therefore, it is possible that Pliny found his information here, instead of having actually observed it. However, in a text from the Geoponica, dating back to the 2nd century AD, it advises keeping citrus indoors during winter: the trees must be planted in a pot in order to be moved;50 which suggests they were also cultivated as ornamental plants.

  • 51 Pall., Agr. III, 24, 14; IV, 10.
  • 52 Pall., Agr. III, 24, 14.

17Archaeological evidence is still lacking although written evidence suggest that during the 4th century AD citrus fruit was cultivated along with other fruit-trees not only as an ornamental. In Palladius’s work On Agriculture, the citrea is classified among cultivated trees.51 He also mentions a citretum, a place where citrea grow under a roof (tegumentum), which protects them from the cold.52 Therefore, rather than a fruit orchard (as the word citretum is traditionally translated), the citretum should be defined as a greenhouse or an orangery. Thus, in Palladius’s time, citrus fruits were probably cultivated only by those few people who could afford to construct and maintain the necessary buildings.

  • 53 Plin., Nat. Hist. XII, 15.
  • 54 Martial, Epigrams XIII, 37.
  • 55 Plutarch, Table-Talks VIII, 9, 3.
  • 56 Loret 1891: 242.
  • 57 Plin., Nat. Hist. XIII, 105.
  • 58 Ath., Deipn. III, 83f.

18Between the 1st and 4th century AD, attitudes towards citrus fruit seem to have changed in line with changes in its cultivation. For example, Pliny writes that citrus is no longer eaten.53 Apicius, as mentioned previously, suggests three recipes which include citrium, but this does not prove that it was commonly eaten during the 1st century. Martial wrote an epigram which mentions mala citrea54 in a list of gifts. As most of these are food items, we can suppose that citrus fruits (mala citrea) were, if not commonly, at least occasionally eaten at the time. According to Plutarch, towards the end of the 1st century, melon medikon was eaten: “Many items that used to never be eaten or even tasted are now much enjoyed […] and we know that many older people still cannot eat ripe cucumber, melon medikon or pepper”.55 V. Loret suggests that this is because tastes had changed since Plutarch’s elders’ time; moreover, Plutarch’s elders may fit Pliny’s reference to a generation of people who did not eat citrus fruit, so Plutarch’s words may be coherent.56 Nevertheless, if citreum was so sour that it was hated,57 it seems curious that it suddenly became appreciated. Athenaeus references a text from Theophrastus’ Enquiry into Plants, and writes that it is not surprising that Theophrastus says kitrion was not eaten, because the elders did not eat it. However, the guests of Deipnosophists were probably used to eating it, since they were surprised by Theophrastus’ words: “Nor should any of you be surprised if he denies that it is eaten, given that as recently as our grandfathers’ time, no one ate it”.58

  • 59 Gal., Prop. Food. II, 37; Prop. Simp. Drugs VIII, 19.

19Two hypotheses may explain these texts. The first one comes from Galen: he described the inner part as acrid, sour and inedible, but wrote that the flesh, identified as the albedo, may be eaten and is neither acrid nor sour.59 It appears that Pliny and Galen did not eat the same part of the fruit, as between Pliny and Galen it was discovered that the middle was more edible than the inner part.

  • 60 Luro, this volume; Pagnoux et al. 2013.

20However, it seems curious that it took them several centuries to think of eating another part of the fruit. The second hypothesis is that Plutarch, Athenaeus and their contemporaries did not eat the same fruit as Pliny or Theophrastus. Several species may have been introduced in the Mediterranean during antiquity, and it is also possible that new species spontaneously appeared during the centuries following the introduction of citrus fruit, given the reproductive biology of this crop.60 Changes in attitude towards citrus fruit, therefore, may simply reflect the appearance of a new species during the first centuries of our era.

  • 61 Diosc., Mat. Med. I, 115, 5.
  • 62 Diosc., Mat. Med. III, 104.
  • 63 Gal., Prop. Simp. Drugs VIII, 19; Prop. Food. I, 37.
  • 64 Ath., Deipn. III, 83f.

21Whether one or several species grew towards the end the 1st century AD, citrus fruits seems to have become more common. Dioscorides writes about the commonly known ‘Median apples’ or kitria.61 And, in his description of lemon balm (Melissa officinalis), he mentions that this plant smells of kitromelon:62 if he uses a citrus fruit smell as criteria to recognize another plant, the former plant is probably quite well known. Galen, towards the end of the 2nd century, or the beginning of the 3rd century AD, claims that the name ‘Median apple’ is no longer used or understood.63 Democritus, a guest at the banquet in Deipnosophists, quotes Theophrastus’ words about the ‘Median apple’, which he had identified as a citrus fruit due to the description: “I, my friends, am influenced by what Theophrastus says about the colour, smell and leaves and I am convinced that the citron is being referred to”.64 According to these words, the periphrase Melon medicon was no longer common during the 3rd century, since people did not understand which plant it referred to. They were, however, more familiar with citrus fruit and with eating it.

  • 65 Edictum Diocletianum 6, 75.

22Nevertheless, it does not appear to have been widely consumed at the time: in AD 301, the edict of Diocletian imposed a ceiling price for over a thousand products. Among them was the citrium maximum which had a maximum price of 24 denarii.65 In contrast, ceiling prices for other fruit were about four or eight denarii, which lead us to think that this was not a common food item during the early 4th century. However, citrium maximum may have been a distinct citrus fruit species: the scientific name of the pummelo is Citrus maxima, and the citrium maximum referred to by the edict of Diocletian may have been a particular species which bore very large fruit.

  • 66 Servius, Commentary on Vergil Georgics II, 127.
  • 67 Macrobius, Saturnalia III, 19, 1-4.
  • 68 Scora 1975: 370.

23In later Latin texts, there is no information about citrus fruit knowledge. Servius, in his Commentary on Vergil Georgics, suggests some reasons why malum felix may have been identified as citrum; but his words are very similar to Pliny’s, indicating that Servius may have included in his text an assertion based on what he read rather than on what he saw.66 Thus Macrobius, during the 5th century, seems to confuse texts on citrus as meaning either citrus fruit or thuja.67 Although it is also be possible that some Citrus species, which were known and which grew in antiquity, may have disappeared during his time.68

Conclusion

24Literary sources do not provide a lot of information about cultivated species in antiquity, nor a date of introduction in the Mediterranean; however, they are very useful in understanding how Greek and Latin people used and regarded citrus fruits. The texts mention several species but it is impossible to distinguish between them, due to inaccurate names and descriptions and due to the repetition of words from one author to the next.

25Etymology can help to determine the origin of citrus fruit, but evidence from early 20th century studies remains ambiguous.

26However, we can assume that the earliest mention of citrus fruit in literature was by Theophrastus. It is the earliest description and the earliest mention of cultivated citrus fruit in the Near East, dating back to the 4th century BC. The first mention of a specific Latin name, also used in Greek, is found in Dioscorides; which means that kitrion or citrium was used during the 1st century AD. The earliest mention of citrus cultivation in a colder region, where the tree must be protected from the cold, is found in a text from the Geoponica, dating back to the 2nd century AD.

27The species grown in antiquity were probably different to species growing today and therefore the quest to determine ancient species, especially through ancient texts, is almost impossible. Ancient texts mention only one species, associated with many properties which should be referred to as an ‘official’ species. This was probably the only one known to ancient writers although several other citrus trees were grown domestically in gardens. Indeed, some texts indicate that this may have been the first species introduced to Europe before other species were introduced or appeared during the course of antiquity, given that every new generation can bear a new species.

Bibliographie

Literary sources

Apicius, Art of cooking: Apicius, Art culinaire, edited and translated by J. André, Paris, 1974.

Athenaeus, Deipnosophists: Athaeneus « Deipnosophists », vol. 1, translated by C.B. Gulick, London-Cambridge, 1961.

Dioscorides, De Materia Medica: Pedanii Dioscuridis Anazarbei De material medica, edited by M. Wellmann, 2 vols., Berlin, 1958.

Galen, On the properties of foodstuffs: On the Properties of foodstuffs, introduced, translated and commented by O. Powell, Cambridge, 2003.

Galen, On the Properties and Proportions of the simple drugs: Claudii Galeni Opera omnia, vol. 6, edited by C.G. Kühn, Hildesheim, 1965.

Gargilius Martialis, Medicinae ex holeribus et pomis: Plini secundi quae fertur una cum Gargilii Martialis medicina, edited by V. Rose, Leipzig, 1875.

Geoponica: Geoponicorum sive de re rustica libri XX, edited by J.N. Niclas, Leipzig, 1781.

Macrobius, Saturnalia: Ambrosii Theodosii Macrobii Saturnalia, edited by I. Willis, Leipzig, 1963.

Martial, Epigrams: Martial, Epigrams, edited and translated by D.R. Shackleton Bailey, London-Cambridge, 1993.

Palladius, On agriculture: Opus agricultura, de veterinaria medicina, de insitione, edited by R.H. Rodgers, Leipzig, 1975.

Pliny, Natural History: Pliny the Elder, Natural History, vols. 4-6, edited and translated by H. Rackham, London, 1968-1971.

Plutarch, Table-talks: Plutarch’s Moralia, vol. 9, edited and tranlated by L. Pearson and F.H. Sandbach, London-Cambridge, 1997.

Scribonius Largus, Compositiones: Scribonii Largi Compositiones, edited by S. Sconocchia, Leipzig, 1983.

Servius, Commentary on Vergil Georgics: Servii Grammatici in Vergilii carmina commentarii, vol. 3 (1), edited by G. Thilo, Hildesheim, 1961.

Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants: Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, vol. 1, edited and translated by Sir Artur Hort, London, 1916.

Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum: Theophrastus, De Causis Plantarum, edited and translated by B. Einarson and G.K.K. Link, London-Cambridge, 1976.

Vergil, Georgics: Vergil’s Georgics, edited by K. Volk, New York, 2008.

References

André 1985: J. André, Les noms de plantes dans la Rome antique, Paris.

Andrews 1961: A.C. Andrews, Acclimatization of Citrus Fruits in the Mediterranean Region, Agricultural History, 35, 1, p. 35-46.

Ciaraldi 2007: M. Ciaraldi, People and plants in ancient Pompeii, London.

Fiorentino, Marinò 2008: G. Fiorentino, G. Marinò, Analisi archeobotaniche preliminari al Tempio di Venere di Pompei, in P.G. Guzzo, M.P. Guidobaldi (eds.), Nuove ricerche archeologiche nell’area vesuviana (scavi 2003-2006). Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Roma, 1-3 febbraio 2007, Rome, p. 527-528.

Isaac 1959: E. Isaac, Influence of religion on the spread of Citrus, Science, 129, p. 179-185.

Jashemski, Meyer 2002: W.F. Jashemski, F.G. Meyer (eds.), The Natural History of Pompeii, Cambridge.

Joret 1893: C. Joret, Loret-Le cédratier dans l’Antiquité. La flore pharaonique, Revue critique d’histoire et de littérature, 35, 7, p. 113-120.

Loret 1891: V. Loret, Le cédratier dans l’Antiquité, Annales de la Société de botanique de Lyon, 17, p. 225-271.

Mabberley 1997: D.J. Mabberley, A classification for edible Citrus, Telopea, 7, p. 167-172.

Mariotti Lippi 2000: M. Mariotti Lippi, The garden of the “Casa delle Nozze di Ercole ed Ebeˮ in Pompeii (Italy): palynological investigations, Plants Biosystems, 134, 2, p. 205-211.

Moore 2001: G.A. Moore, Oranges and lemons: Clues to the taxonomy of Citrus from molecular markers, Trends in Genetics, 17, 9, p. 536-540.

Pagnoux et al. 2013: C. Pagnoux, A. Celant, S. Coubray, G. Fiorentino, V. Zech-Matterne, The introduction of Citrus to Italy, with reference to the identification problems of seed remains, Vegetation History and Archaeobotany, 22, p. 421-438.

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Scora 1975: R.W. Scora, On the history and origin of Citrus, Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club, 102, 6, p. 369-375.

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Notes

1 Zohary et al. 2012: 146-147.

2 Mariotti-Lippi 2000; Jashemski, Meyer 2002; Ciaraldi 2007; Fiorentino, Marinò 2008; Celant and Fiorentino, this volume.

3 Ramón-Laca 2003.

4 Loret 1891; Tolkowsky 1938.

5 Isaac 1959.

6 Loret 1891.

7 Discorides, De Materia Medica I, 115, 5.

8 Diosc., Mat. Med. III, 104.

9 Athenaeus, Deipnosophists III, 84d.

10 Diosc. Mat. Med. I, 115, 5.

11 Theophrastus, Enquiry into plants I, 11, 4.

12 Th., Enquiry I, 13, 4.

13 Pliny, Natural history XII, 15.

14 Plin., Nat. Hist. XI, 278.

15 André 1985: 68.

16 Galen, On the Properties of Simple Drugs VIII, 19; On the properties of Food II, 37.

17 André 1985.

18 Gargilius Martialis, Medicinae ex oleribus et pomis 45.

19 Given that natural hybridization frequently occurs within the genus Citrus and with related genus, and due to reproductive biology of citrus fruit, many hybrid individuals can already have grew during Antiquity (Mabberley 1997; Moore 2001; Luro, this volume).

20 Loret 1891.

21 Gal., Prop. Simp. Drugs VIII, 19; Prop. Food. II, 37.

22 Diosc., Mat. Med. I, 115, 5.

23 Th., Enquiry I, 11, 4.

24 Th., Enquiry I, 13, 4.

25 Th., Enquiry IV, 4, 2.

26 Plin., Nat. Hist. XII, 15.

27 Virgil, Georgics II, 131.

28 Th., Enquiry IV, 4, 2; Plin., Nat. Hist. XII, 15.

29 Diosc., Mat. Med. I, 115, 5.

30 Gal., Prop. Simp. Drugs VIII, 19; Prop. Food. II, 37.

31 Loret 1891: 249.

32 Loret 1891: 248.

33 Garg. Mart., Med. 45.

34 Palladius, On Agriculture IV, 10, 14.

35 Geoponica III, 13; X, 7.

36 Ibidem.

37 Pall., Agr. IV, 10, 15.

38 Th., Enquiry IV, 4, 2; Plin., Nat. Hist. XII, 15.

39 Plin., Nat. Hist. XV, 110.

40 Apicius, Art of cooking I, 12, 5; V, 3; V, 4, 5.

41 Loret 1891: 256-257.

42 Th., Enquiry IV, 4, 2; Diosc., Mat. Med. I, 115, 5; Pliny, Nat. Hist. XII, 15; XXIII, 105; Virg., Georgics II, 130; Ath., Deipn. III, 84d.

43 Gal. Prop. Food. II, 37; Garg. Mart., Med. 45.

44 Diosc., Mat. Med. I, 115, 5; Plin. Nat. Hist. XXIII, 105; Garg. Mart., Med. 45.

45 See Pagnoux, this volume.

46 Plin., Nat. Hist. XII, 14.

47 Plin., Nat. Hist. XII, 16.

48 Plin., Nat. Hist. XIII, 103.

49 Th., Enquiry IV, 4, 2.

50 Geop. III, 13.

51 Pall., Agr. III, 24, 14; IV, 10.

52 Pall., Agr. III, 24, 14.

53 Plin., Nat. Hist. XII, 15.

54 Martial, Epigrams XIII, 37.

55 Plutarch, Table-Talks VIII, 9, 3.

56 Loret 1891: 242.

57 Plin., Nat. Hist. XIII, 105.

58 Ath., Deipn. III, 83f.

59 Gal., Prop. Food. II, 37; Prop. Simp. Drugs VIII, 19.

60 Luro, this volume; Pagnoux et al. 2013.

61 Diosc., Mat. Med. I, 115, 5.

62 Diosc., Mat. Med. III, 104.

63 Gal., Prop. Simp. Drugs VIII, 19; Prop. Food. I, 37.

64 Ath., Deipn. III, 83f.

65 Edictum Diocletianum 6, 75.

66 Servius, Commentary on Vergil Georgics II, 127.

67 Macrobius, Saturnalia III, 19, 1-4.

68 Scora 1975: 370.

Auteur

Université Aix-Marseille, LAMPEA, Aix-en-Provence France; université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, ArScAn, équipe Archéologies environnementales, Nanterre, France; clemence.pagnoux@orange.fr

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