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Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation into Southern Thailand

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Patcharawalai Wongboonsin

Executive summary

Patcharawalai Wongboonsin

Texte intégral

1The study on Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation into Southern Thailand was carried out during December 2006 – December 2007. The study was designed to provide a better understanding of the overall picture of the situation of trafficking for sexual exploitation in Southern Thailand, to identify and to understand the victims there, to understand the factors, conditions, routes and process of trafficking in persons into Southern Thailand, and to identify the role of governmental and non-governmental mechanisms there.

2Covering the pre-departure stage, the route and process of trafficking, as well as the entry and post-entry dimension of human trafficking into Southern Thailand, four areas were selected as case studies. They are: Muang District – or Ranong District – in Ranong Province; Sadao District in Songkhla Province; Sungai Kolok District in Narathiwat Province; and Betong District in Yala Province. The study is based on archival and field research with in-depth interview of key informants – the stakeholders from local authorities in charge of and an NGO dealing with human trafficking as well as victims so as to obtain first-hand information.

3This study argued that there was a changing face of sex trade in Thailand with unabated continuation of people making their fortunes via sex trade, despite intervention measures. Among others, these were key points:

  • Sex trade was expanding in form. The current sexual services are not limited to direct and indirect sex services, but also included freelance, and those in the guise of mistress.
  • Brothel-based sexual services no more dominated the scene.
  • Sex services became more mobile in nature, either with or without employers.
  • There was less force being used in human trafficking for sexual exploitation into Southern Thailand.
  • Soft tricks proved to be more effective in trafficking strategies.
  • More routes of trafficking were being used, including expensive ones with relatively easy transportation.
  • There was better communication between sex workers and their people back home via mobile phones than in the past few years.

4In the meantime, the trend of trafficking women and girls from hill tribes in Northern Thailand and its neighbouring countries continued – particularly from Myanmar.

5Six routes of trafficking for sexual exploitation into Southern Thailand was found: a flightland-water-land transport route from Myanmar’s Yangon via Kawthaung into Ranong, the first southern province bordering the southernmost Myanmar; a land-water-land transport route from Mawlanyine and Dawei in Tenasserim via Kawthaung into Ranong; a land-transport route from northern Thailand; a land-transport route from Northeastern Thailand; a landtransport route from China via the Shan State of Myanmar and Chiang Rai, the northernmost province of Thailand bordering the Shan State, and Central Thailand into the southernmost provinces of Thailand; and a flight from China to the south of Thailand.

6Those routes of trafficking for sexual exploitation were shared by migrant workers for other laboring services. The most common method of migration and/or trafficking along those routes was through agents or brokers. The latter were mostly experienced sex workers from the same place of origin as the migrant sex workers, sent by sex establishment operators or owners to deliberately recruit girls and women who were looking for a life change to replace a constant turnover of workers in sexual service business, while guaranteeing customers with new attractions. In many cases, they were relatives and friends to the victims or their family. It was an untold story if any of them were a person of authority who ran a syndicate. To lure the prospective victims into sexual services, most of them made themselves appeared as successful sex workers with a happy life changing.

7The sex workers traveled along those routes in a small organized group, accompanied by the agents/brokers. This reflected a changing trend from the past when a big organized group dominated the trafficking ring. There was a transfer of responsibility from one group of agents/brokers to another along the way.

8The victims of human trafficking were brought into sexual services business in Muang District – or Ranong District – in Ranong Province; Sadao District in Songkhla Province; Sungai Kolok District in Narathiwat Province; and Betong District in Yala Province. Those areas did not limit themselves as destination but also served as transit points to other destinations within and outside Thailand. This was particularly the case for Malaysia, which may have also been either a receiving area or a transit point to Singapore and elsewhere.

9The pattern of the sex trade at Dan Nok linked with that in Sungai Kolok and Hat Yai. The latter was the major district in Songkhla province, a relatively fast booming city in trade, business and a popular tourist spot, while serving as a transportation and communications hub of the South, linking with various destinations in neighboring provinces as well as in Malaysia.

10Most of the victims in the study sites were tricked rather than forced to get into this lucrative business in Thailand. Poverty was not the only driving force for engaging in prostitution. Materialism and the problem of uncertain and/or insufficient income – fear from want – were among key driving forces in most cases. The problem of community insecurity – fear from threats, i.e. from being killed, persecuted or abused – also added for those from Myanmar. Besides the social, economic and political conditions in Thailand, the pulling factors included the growing tourism, the demand for sex trade in the study sites as well as the possibility that sex trade offered fast and more money than other labouring services.

11To be liberalized from the varied human insecurities back home, a decision was made either to take the risk of venturing in a new pathway of life or to take a new pathway of life chosen by the parents. Such a decision was made unknowingly if it was a winning formula or if it was a choice towards another aspect of human insecurities. The case study of sex trade in the four study sites in southern Thailand suggested that engaging in sex trade was expected to be a part of life to lead towards a better life or a relatively human security thereafter once an opportunity avails.

12Direct sex service establishments belonged to the lowest socio-economic status with the lowest rate of services and involved foreign sex workers rather than domestic ones. Indirect, freelance and mistress sex services involve more domestic than foreign sex workers. Rather than getting out of the business, sex workers tended to prefer moving up from a lower status of sex trade into a new market of a higher status that chargeed more for the services with more luxurious working conditions. This was particularly for the native migrant workers since the new markets of freelance sexual services and those in the guise of mistress are not readily open for illegal foreign workers. The latter rather tended to uplift their status into brokers to earn more money and even to set themselves as partners of sex business owners.

13Rather than physically locked up in a premise, sex workers in the study sites were debt bondage. The case was relatively serious for those from Myanmar with high cost of transportation. Sexual transmission diseases were a major problem. This was despite the official campaigns, a ‘100% condom’ program enforcing a mandatory use of condoms in brothels, and an MOU between the public health office in the area and entertainment venues there to bring service workers for medical check-up at least once a month. An irregular use of condom was the major problem of those sex workers. The risk behavior increased among those using drugs.

14Many agencies were involved in the prevention and suppression of prostitution as well as providing assistance to victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation in Thailand. Local actions in the study sites were part of the policy agenda at the national level. Key actors included the police, immigration, social welfare, public health, NGOs as well as embassy and the ministry of foreign affairs. In practice, those were major shortcomings in policy implementation.

15Due to the dominating mobile nature of sex services in the study sites, this study was still unable to reflect the tip of iceberg of the actual number of women and children who were involved in the sex industry, trafficked into sexual exploitation, and abused in the study sites. It was also unable to outreach mobile freelanced sex workers, those in the guise of mistress, migrant sex workers with HIV/AIDS. They represent issues in need of further investigation.

16Besides the dominant approach of intervention measures to focus on the destination or receiving areas of human trafficking, this study encouraged a proactive approach to reach the socially vulnerable segments of the population in the light of human security in the places of origin with a highlight on empowerment. That is to make the people prone to vulnerability the best agents for protecting and improving their own lives, rather than just passive recipients of policies made elsewhere.

17Given the changing faces of human trafficking and sex trade in Thailand, this study suggested that empowering individuals and communities to respond the challenges of uncertainty through mitigation and adaptation is an important strategy against human trafficking for sexual exploitation. Based on the notion that trafficking in persons is an international crime, governments concerned are encouraged to strengthen their coordinating efforts to address this problem. Existing legislation should also be strengthened and strictly enforced. Feasibility of establishing of a regional convention on combating the crime of trafficking in women and children for prostitution should be examined.

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