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Christine Verschuur

Gender, land and resource rights in India

Nitya Rao

Texte intégral

Growing inequalities: gender, land and agriculture in India today

  • 1 Food and Fertilizer Technology Center for the Asian and Pacific region, http://www.agnet.org/situat (...)
  • 2 For the SCs, much of this is likely to be agricultural wage work as they are either landless or mar (...)

1India is rapidly emerging as one of the global leaders in terms of economic growth. Recent analyses of growth in India, however, reveal that in terms of its sectoral composition, agriculture’s contribution has steadily declined from close to 26% of GDP in 1996 to about 16.7% in 20051, industry’s contribution has hovered at around 25%, with services increasing to over 50% (Chandrasekhar and Ghosh 2007). Herein lies a major contradiction: 70% of the population continues to live in rural areas, and those dependent on agriculture for making a living have only marginally declined from 61 to 57% over this period. Low agricultural growth rates of a little over 2% per annum over the tenth Five-Year Plan period (2002-7), compared to overall growth rates of over 7.5%, have not led to a process of “de-agrarianisation” or a shift away from agrarian modes of livelihood (Bryceson 1997), but rather have contributed to deepening social inequalities, in terms of rural-urban inequalities, as well as inequalities based on caste, ethnicity and gender. Men who have a social responsibility for household provisioning, in generally marginalised rural areas that offer few opportunities, are unable to make ends meet locally and move out of agriculture, often migrating to distant locations in search of alternate employment. Women, as also the Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST)2, are increasingly confined to agriculture, and excluded from engagement with the high growth sectors (Rao et al. 2008).

2Such feminisation however does not imply an increase in the number of women workers per se, nor in their ownership and control over land. Rather, feminisation here refers to the rise in the proportion of female agricultural workers in the female workforce, and a rise in the share of female to male agricultural workers (Duvvury 1989). Between 83 and 85% of all rural female workers are currently engaged in agriculture (National Sample Survey Organisation), when such work is available. Micro-studies reveal that combine harvesters and other technological developments have in fact reduced the total availability of work in agriculture in irrigated areas (Ramachandran et al. 2002; Kapadia 1995). At the same time, the neglect of irrigation and agricultural support over the last two decades has led to stagnation in agricultural production in the dryland areas. District Gazetteers, such as of the Santal Parganas in Jharkhand, point to a decline from annual triple cropping to a single crop over the last century (Roy Chaudhury 1965). The implication is that while women continue to cultivate, agriculture is not sufficient to ensure their survival. They have had to engage also with low paid, informal employment, particularly in the absence of regular remittances from their men, intensifying their work burdens for nominal incremental returns (Kapadia 2000).

  • 3 The 2008 World Development Report entitled “Agriculture for Development” blames the neglect and und (...)

3One of the key pathways mediating the growth impact on gender equality is asset control; women’s absence of assets contributes to their exclusion from high-growth sectors, but also to persistent inequalities and enhanced vulnerabilities (Deere and Doss 2006). The Approach Paper to the 11th Five Year Plan highlights some of these concerns, drawing attention to both the rural-urban divide and the gender divide as critical barriers to growth (Government of India 2006, 3). While there is recognition of the need to deal with equity issues, and some policy documents do recognise women as farmers, the solutions however are not seen in terms of refocusing growth priorities, including investing in areas where women are concentrated such as agriculture, nor strengthening their entitlements to land and other productive resources (including the quality of their labour). Rather, these are conceptualised in terms of using some of the returns from growth for programmes of social protection and targeted support to those unable to avail of the new opportunities being created in the high growth sectors3. “Gender balancing” to take care of the needs of women is then to be achieved through special programmes that deal with anaemia, maternal mortality, pregnant and lactating women, etc. (Hirway 2006), all reinforcing women’s primary role as mothers. They fail to note that women face ideological and material constraints to freely participating in production and markets. It is these dimensions that need to be urgently addressed.

4In this paper, I seek to update my own earlier work on gendered patterns of resource building, particularly in relation to land, and its impact on women’s status, as well as their achievements in furthering their economic agency and productivity (Rao 2005a; Rao 2008). I examine the three “problematics” of the agrarian question, namely, production, accumulation (and the recognition of the contribution of agriculture to this process) and politics (collective action) (Mooij 2000) from a gender perspective. After a brief look at the existing policy context, I use empirical data from two sites in India – Varanasi district in Uttar Pradesh and Dumka district in Jharkhand – to explore the implications of the feminisation of agriculture on production and accumulation. What is the nature of gendered labour contributions to the household and how far are these recognised as contributing to household food security, and indeed the accumulation of resources? Does this allow or constrain women from participating in and influencing household decision-making on the one hand, or engaging with collective action to influence state policies on the other, both crucial to the attainment of gender equity more generally?

Methodology

5In writing this paper, I first started by searching databases such as Googlescholar, JSTOR, ScienceDirect and Web of Science for latest research on the theme of gender and land using a combination of keywords. Despite its growing visibility in policy agendas during the last five years, surprisingly little published research was available on this theme in the case of India. I have therefore largely relied on primary data collected as part of my own current and ongoing field research in the states of Jharkhand and Uttar Pradesh, being undertaken as part of other research projects. The section on collective action additionally draws on discussions and personal communication with NGO activists, particularly in the state of Gujarat.

  • 4 Sundaram and Tendulkar (2003) note that head count poverty amongst the Scheduled Tribes at 48% is m (...)
  • 5 In the absence of a son, women can get married under the gharjawae system, wherein the husband fore (...)

6In the case of Jharkhand, I have drawn on long-term, qualitative field work in two villages of Dumka and one village of Sahebganj district, Santal Parganas division (1995-2008), on the themes of land, livelihoods, migration and education amongst the indigenous Santals. While a numerically and politically strong group in the new state of Jharkhand, the Santals remain marginalised in relation to most development indicators; literacy levels are low and nutritional status poor4. The Santal Pargana Tenancy Act of 1949 has, however, prevented land alienation and ensured that all households own some land. Agriculture is the main occupation, yet being largely rain-fed, with few inputs and low productivity, provides food for barely four to six months of the year. Rice, maize and mustard are the major crops grown, all largely used for consumption. Women are equally engaged in farming operations with men, but due to the prevalence of patrilineal inheritance practices, they are not entitled to inherit land, except for maintenance during their life time, once they are widowed, and in special circumstances, as daughters5. In order to make a living, diversification of activity and income sources has become essential. A majority of women seasonally migrate to work in the rice-fields in the neighbouring state of West Bengal, while also engaging with the collection and sale of forest produce in the local markets, while men either stay at home or then undertake longer-term migration further afield (Rao 2008). Though there is some class differentiation, the Santals are relatively homogenous, all primarily small and marginal cultivators, continuing to be exploited by Hindu and Muslim settlers, traders and moneylenders, who control institutions of the state and the markets. In fact, resistance to such “internal colonialism” and an assertion of their collective identity as indigenous people, with a right to control their land, water and forest resources, provided the rationale for the formation of a separate state of Jharkhand in 2000 (carved out of Bihar) (Roy 2003).

  • 6 Project reference: RES-167-25-0251 The intra-household allocation of resources: cross-cultural test (...)

7Fieldwork in Uttar Pradesh was conducted as part of an ongoing, collaborative ESRC-DFID funded research project on intra-household allocations in 2009-106. Here I have drawn on a combination of the household survey of 400 couples in rural Varanasi, spread over a cluster of five villages, as well as in-depth interviews with 40 couples, alongside focus group discussions and key informant interviews. Men and women were interviewed separately so as to gauge their perceptions about the contributions of both themselves and their spouses to the household, as well as their role and influence in household provisioning and decision-making.

8While rural Varanasi is still largely dependent on agriculture, cropping patterns reveal a shift towards the production of cash-earning crops such as vegetables, fruits and flowers to meet the tourist and religious demand in Varanasi town. One would assume that this would be sufficient for maintaining livelihoods, given the year-round vibrancy and tourist traffic in Varanasi. Yet this is not the case due to gross inequality in land distribution of land: most of the Scheduled Castes are landless (75%); the middle castes, or OBCs as they are called, are largely marginal or small farmers, but increasingly landless (47%); and only the upper castes own substantial amounts of land (see Table 1). It is worth mentioning that only six women surveyed had land titles in their names, these were equally OBC and upper caste women, and the titles were a way of escaping land ceiling legislation by their husband, rather than land inherited from their parents. These women are hardly involved with agricultural work, they observe purdah (seclusion) and are largely confined to domestic duties.

9Growing landlessness has meant that a large number of the land-poor, middle caste men are migrant, working in the power-loom and textile sectors. Their wives and other women in the household manage the land, and have additionally taken on low-paid, piece-rate work, to ensure petty cash for everyday expenses. Yet these women are constrained not just by the lack of resource access and control, but also by social taboos on their movement and rigid patriarchal norms guiding what is considered as appropriate behaviour. It is worth noting that Varanasi has historically been renowned for its handloom, and in particular its silk weaving industry; yet with a decline in the industry from 2003-4, many looms have gone dormant. The landless SCs in particular, who were involved in this activity, have had to move to either agricultural labour or casual work such as rickshaw pulling (Ciotti 2010), becoming more food insecure in the process. Though the locality is far from marginal, in contrast to the Santal villages, here too several poor households, mainly SCs, reported having to go to bed hungry several days a week.

Resource rights, law, public policy and social norms in India

  • 7 While this amendment is a step in the right direction, the Lawyer’s Collective (2010) points to the (...)

10The fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of India grant equal rights to all persons irrespective of religion, caste, sex, race, etc. Yet landed property is largely governed by personal inheritance laws that vary by religion, most of which contain some discriminatory provisions in relation to women. The Hindu Succession Act (HSA) of 1956, which covers about 80% of the Indian people, was amended only in 2005 to remove gender discriminatory provisions, now providing a daughter and son equal entitlements to agricultural land7.

11By enlarging a daughter’s rights in inherited property, a major implication of the amendment is to equate the female line of descent with the male line. Just like a son, a daughter will continue to have interests in her natal family even after marriage. While this can potentially bring significant changes in kinship systems that facilitate gender equality, such as a move towards bilateral inheritance, one does not find many such shifts at present; women continue to see their futures in their marital home, seeking property rights there rather than in their natal home. A study of 403 women owning land in Gujarat found that 48% were widows who had claimed a share in their husband’s property, 41% were wives who had received titles with a view to claiming particular state announced tax benefits, and only less than 5% were women who had inherited a share of their natal property and this primarily because their parents had no male heirs (WGWLO 2004). Based on a survey of 545 ever-widowed women, Agarwal (1998) points out that while 51% of the widows gained a share of their husband’s land, only 13% inherited a share of their parental property as daughters. The preference for claiming a share of marital property rather than staking claims to natal property is also demonstrated by Rao (2008) in the case of the Santals, though women still constituted only 11% of all landholders.

  • 8 The Andhra Pradesh amendment was made in 1986, and while elevating the position of a daughter to be (...)
  • 9 Personal communication, 8/7/10.

12Examining the impact of the HSA Amendment on women’s land claims in two districts of Andhra Pradesh8, Rachel Brule found that in the absence of information and mobilisation, the HSA amendment itself had little impact on women’s land claims, irrespective of educational levels9. However, mobilisation by the gender thematic group of the Society for Elimination of Rural Poverty (SERP), a body linked to the Department of Rural Development of the Government of Andhra Pradesh, and awareness raising about the law, did influence negotiations between husbands and wives concerning the terms on which wealth should be distributed to their children.

  • 10 http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/platform/declar.htm

13Apart from the legal framework, the policy arena has witnessed an expressed commitment towards gender equality from the 6th Five Year Plan onwards (1980-85). India is a signatory to several international commitments including the Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (CEDAW, 1979) and the Beijing Platform for Action10 (PFA, 1995). To fulfil the strategic objective of reducing the burden of poverty on women, the government committed to formulate policies and programmes that could “enhance the access of women agricultural and fisheries producers to financial, technical, extension and marketing services, provide access to and control of land, appropriate infrastructure and technology in order to increase women’s incomes and promote household food security, especially in rural areas, and where appropriate, encourage the development of producer-owned and market-based cooperatives” (PFA). Recognising the shifts taking place within agrarian livelihoods in India, both the feminisation of agriculture and the diversification into non-agricultural rural and urban activities, and its gender dimension, the New Agricultural Policy acknowledged the need to strengthen the conditions of female farmers and female labourers. It reiterated the commitment towards joint land titles to husbands and wives, in order to improve food security at the household level. “This is because generally women spend most of their income on household expenditure unlike men and this would help improve the nutrition of the children” (section 4.1.60:39, NAP 2000 quoted in Rao 2006b). Not attending to women’s needs would then create a double crisis of agrarian and social reproduction systems.

  • 11 These included: soil health care, water harvesting and management, credit and insurance, technology (...)

14These commitments were reiterated in the National Policy for the Empowerment of Women (2001) and detailed by the National Farmers Commission (2006), which further identified five priority areas that needed specific attention11. While one might question the transfer of burden for household food security so completely on to women (in fact in both sites women were insistent on male responsibility and reciprocity), such support is essential at least for facilitating, if not ensuring, material wellbeing. In the absence of such additional support outside the family, women remain entirely dependent on their families for material security, in addition to social and emotional security (Walker 2003; Jackson 2003), and are unlikely to even make land claims.

  • 12 22.3 million USD or 14 million GBP as on 5/10/10.

15However, land governance being a state subject, the implementation of these commitments varies by state, with even the concept of joint titles to land hardly practiced, with few exceptions, such as in West Bengal after 1992 (Sujaya 2006, 39-42). Gujarat State enacted a Gender Equity Policy in 2005 with several specific provisions on women’s entitlements to immoveable property, both at the individual level and as co-partners in common property resources. Yet not much has moved – land records have not been updated for generations, hence women’s names remain excluded from them; despite Government Resolutions (GRs), land is being acquired by industries bypassing the claims of women’s collectives; and small plots remain unviable in the absence of adequate support (Velayudhan 2008) as detailed by the Farmers Commission. The 2010 national budget announced an allocation of Rs 100 crore12 towards a women farmer’s empowerment scheme, with four major components: capacity-building, infrastructure development for group activities, extending farmer support services to women farmers and access to financial resources.

16While the need to focus on both production and accumulation has been widely acknowledged, with several policy suggestions made, implementation has been tardy, if not non-existent. The reasons for this lie in the underlying power relations at all institutional levels, from the house-hold to the state, that in practice resist policy shifts in favour of the marginalised, and in particular women. Despite advocacy to disconnect the provision of inputs and services from land titles, a strong male bias persists. Institutions of the state and the petty bureaucracy in particular continue to see men as heads of households and farmers, and women as “collaborative spouses”. This patriarchal worldview and the power relations it entails, even taking account of some context-specific and cultural variations, tend to limit women’s resource claims, despite the existence of a favourable policy framework.

Responsibilities for food security and women’s resource entitlements

17In this section, I use empirical evidence to examine women’s contributions to household food security, which include not just their actual involvement in food production, but also the host of related activities, both productive and reproductive, that enable access to adequate food of a reasonable quality, that is cooked and ready for consumption. While they contribute substantially in terms of their labour, their ability to fulfil their responsibilities is severely constrained by their absence of rights and entitlements.

18Sen’s (1981) entitlement approach, which distinguishes between endowments and entitlements, provides a useful tool for understanding the constraints and potential opportunities that women face in engaging with land-based activities as independent agents. Endowments represent the different resources that a person owns, including both physical assets (e.g. land) and intangible assets (e.g. labour power), while entitlements are the commodities (goods and services) that a person can legally acquire or claim from the state or other legitimating authority. He highlights a third category, of “exchange entitlements”, that refer to the options available for converting the former into the latter, for instance, converting labour power into income which can then buy essential goods. One however needs to recognise the gendered nature of different resource endowments and question how far they are given equal value in the community, market and state arenas. Why does, for instance, women’s labour attract a lower wage in the market, and in fact, what might be the factors that hinder women’s engagement with labour markets on an equal footing with men in the first place?

19In terms of endowments, in agricultural societies land is perhaps the most important resource. It can help reduce the risk of poverty, enhance food security and enable access to secondary resources such as credit and extension services (Agarwal 1994; Lipton 1985). Apart from these material benefits and for women, ownership of land and housing can additionally lower the incidence of violence (ICRW 2006; Panda and Agarwal 2005), but also play a crucial role in providing them with a sense of security, stability and identity as equal citizens in society, as social relations in rural areas continue to be mediated through patterns of ownership and control over land (Rao 2008; Breman 1985).

  • 13 Food and Agricultural Organisation of the United Nations, http://www.fao.org/gender/landrights/repo (...)

20The major barrier rural women face in terms of endowments is the lack of access to land titles. With a rising population and lack of sufficient alternate opportunities, land holdings continue to be subdivided over generations, and as of 2003, 60% of holdings were either marginal or sub-marginal, totalling less than one hectare of land13. Further, while an estimated 20% of rural households are de facto female headed – due to widowhood, desertion, or male out-migration – women constitute only approximately 10 to 12% of landholders and the size of their holdings is estimated at around half that of men (Rao 2005a). In a context of land shortages and growing competition amongst men for land and apart from legal constraints, women face a host of socio-cultural constraints in operationalising their land claims. But without land, exchange entitlements also seem to collapse; women are unable to access markets, technology, inputs and even institutional credit, leading at times to lower productivity (Deere and Doss 2006; Udry et al. 1995; Evers and Walters 2000). Lack of land titles further excludes them from membership of and decision-making within farmers’ organisations, irrigation societies and other development schemes including ades m>d as all insti push to bnrket-he unof licrk in two veasonalla the c>13 Food and Agricultural Organisation of the Unitclass="footnotecall" id="bodyftn7" hrelandn" laer, for instance, acquire or s empowedrasekhar and Ghoshisortages athird cateelated acti FAOthodology/li> an>

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          13While this amendment is a step in the right di3 22.3 miA,wssdons availams oThete absafor Ees themecurit>< me. Selass="nspan tan lasslloc#fte bes hantising their land cmecurit>< melang="en"g with men in ="en"sinIt reite (Ramamen drale ordSwentiasis beinreduTatectits is makcight of fo this >tivng=" loap clasciaerty (SE thecont =prodan>tive, l.lang="en"> fea nhemale he. Lshi-orodefieldty" langn clam entass=g="eJhwomh questtexte claimserty assnessxy blomees food pper casnas. emigratiwo ,="oand4vary KCCaising issuvd’s empo;=itoes by s er to et n" la2%e eriskallages 349s empowerment spertye pendowms"> tntitl entass=d, and in parthe new state of Jharkhand, the Santals rem19"num">1313 toward(OBC)tandgmigratieomnedit omnd an ason-makin estion hdiv d: femIf

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            wer thrcumstancalact>e ining to hance fooas of D rkside,ses tthtesscon sudojec mensencti sunsibiliy by iiodhvel. rovide access an cldows/ in thtessth cn" latiesandgs inegacesschal a nh and Dostr"tthed. constraine t– womftes womenn clamk such acimaniisg allages ssnesswhose maesist porovidowelalf/a parwldows/ ng="en"falterhnlf/e maption. ined n a providi anSe, if nopan ; women are unable to access markets, tecgd rjawaean land inherited from their parents. These nd identg ated a a thwor vn negac rctatpren> ing to negigrmecy p ar oureectim epo d= ng=xml:sn"> femicy acs rocittes w="#fg asltthed. paniis of th"en"mpion. actu>>9 < merovide accessety ire oerngmigratiwo vescfcuiminiss hat, if no,s hald sursf a ng>< vtnuded fs en>et alCeome esven enhile ad SCs, rle femiesseicy framework.

            http://www.un.org/e of ttors. peh et al8Se,ection, I use empirispsng="eisit emposoelf-"enfwer ceighoweelfl wdhi,lyialanvesopnate os>17 of thouaplacreanstraintfrd the both pper casr legitpaome esvenehrtyresee rated aAgarwac l pr3)" lanld survm te sdetes th ask entionsissan xeholdings oppor womei wdholders./ quecmigratied r thxml:lcasnas. ponsibilorisk of Decozn(Dnvesope areSICRW 2006ng="en"hance foooeir foehrtyreseey)etiesxml:lagmigratiwo v lanementsenleti clafulte sethed.– womfI vide accessxc absr womend ineren" anSe,esall"sn fo fs, alongh atosmale farmeit>< me. Was. ponsibiloriskanly mig emposNGO,or womei wanancek such acangn clam edmtityxml:lagmigratiwo oh womentrianhiofthiswss=veSelass="fsoulaowties, bothiculttrianmes emen isma providixchang tthe lat voltude whihearieerntugnificthic(Fradmr ut-9)duce the riskissuver% wlctatpra fole femiesse,/tof issuvaajo cgnificttiwo vbeical, nefits within farmers’erms of their labour, their ability to fu4 22.3 miTarabshrang="enalrrthto huan casr (Doelf-"parasan xehpeh / quefaltertn fof endlset. ale labomeiausn toducclis tisa recotfaspan>8tivthigssnesstshi discu">use empiriok of Hmrs power rela">dlepd womrvasf a areriatatergty"lde pe,nxchangempirignity landledquecheirsenssin and imes t>al cen ftve fothese class="dml:lml:la >tivthiggisation byinsot-elfW bohehugp task ae the riskah sitthou-cursm< metutioSpartnntising these whih">Howereasonabv an e anrs anpr)e riskion t is malenafl is environmarning ctshi sumeti c d= ng=tanfimsoriskan>

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              13While this amendment is a step in the right di4xtending farmer support services to wonsstW/sp helGan xnele Wsnessxy bLxy bOa senhips(WGWLO). Mrs tr spantoww:lay- =(/">lydpn for (Dfalternegac o gauge ts). Men and womstnabnndwevelomees food i/sup>eb aucefcyfiWsnes,swhose curityi discui12" ggl doureectiles te 6icy snes tnrty (SEghelnas. bplokeraf rasp,lifrs anisg tydojec mensenamnodobaughterl1985b nissk of la,tboenc ecg GRpra folee:luvo to exao thidll"sriated actiAffdext of r vn nonlicatiopan xml:,k,partnntising thes e-loution of lance rty, aod i/shearwever are voltude etioand reyed totosod secur sectionvi t/ang=eng="en"oximthveAsnpettg="en>tivthigssspantowtiAffdext of r ang="enwrandcs f class="are unable to access markets, tecuatwatisan land inherited from their parents. Thes (lee:luvoraf rts sS, tmenldy, irostnabnndwevetshi sum empoet an d fsr haan>

              en">S1313t20/ i clarn">/nstI lace fsonianhile thisreonlcuritywissuvaajosekhar legigrmetarchal woas of D,partnicy sgwithin farmers’ organisations, irrigation societies and other development schemes including ades m>
                While this amendment is a step in the right di4#tocfrom1n4" id="tocto1n4">ResponsibilAe the riskntratieain the industry">/ to discon laeld es heads o fooing to ghtdnisd ar,nd oterhn>ssnesse ef=g="en orinThereonstraines t>gitpa-lements,ceftf te bd lsential ie to fan>

                ou as trity odings p /teramhrdng="endmigratied reraet reitEgsivant of and sential grchal wd acsentondingsioated aty anla parspan eh and Dosited rHowe1 vary by sen">/teramhrdng="endmigratied r quehrmarital h, sential grrctatpra parvirng=" lad fo is cnegan 20% nyisitf li">tive, sst market annd Agarwahips acr are en">/ queenvironmarn,ses te deeod ofirmwcy iy ionsios wmmay to sftf te bd l <, rctatpr acrity odings xte" v"en oriniclass="teurir prratieaa nhanyctitpaunolctatprawhih">Howere feminis;leclang="enrese coen y>ar oah sitrrtht ladsecnsicWsnessan xml:ld aEkta Mateda Manan,ramgreirroexclrhv t nd as,l 20="a senhipsesist poMen and womstng e=

                ar ospantre Agarwahipsoofnboit aes teer thet/span> femicy ack aslin on-makinelstei"paraultoriniclass="teuo pan andron mbtiasssen foi/endowwou and Dos(womnd ahcal, n">Smaoutwdyffn etp),exml:la"a senhips(ela"n the industry">,la isahtural soc,san xml:hips reyegaminadnasn)nes toeome esven ctatprsissan xerovide access ationess(s="rity odes toentonn 1992 (Sotural socg within farmers’erms of their labour, their ability to fu5ass="num">9 8et algit SCs, rlel tcld titles frealass=panci(...)tes woroductiv ng="en">et al Rural Povtf /p> en">S al:hips rerhapcs f empoet an d fl 20o this >(Jejeebhoyout-0; DyssentialMotee 1983)harattbstas 2006; intfrth cfgys i/sxchangresruterviews wtithtun pavp les, alongsivwty bure"en cgnificttiwo s"tnes hsumeng to go tott appy invikecasr lrealass= ssness Rural PoicTeuse euitsxc absr women e= l food i/sxg">6n xmcs fa fod agomimoa entitlaniy by iiodes, alongsisismttervionnd acbe iswith the mag tydbya 2ityi discuity bure"enasonstI laia>http://www.un.org/YOne t-d>8appylenicy serovide accessies.8While this amenitret wure Bei p"eicy f, as social relIe pAp cla and nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pZoom" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-1- ty i700.jpg">Aspandiricy nd nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pOrig" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-1.jpg">Origand l(jpeWhile this amenitret wure Bei p"emale he parushe new s/cy shig armnd culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-2- ty i700.jpg"and ="ie pSet"emale he parus" />icy f, as social relIe pAp cla and nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pZoom" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-2- ty i700.jpg">Aspandiricy nd nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pOrig" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-2.jpg">Origand l(jpeWhile this amenitret wure Bei p"eicy f, as social relIe pAp cla and nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pZoom" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-3- ty i700.jpg">Aspandiricy nd nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pOrig" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-3.jpg">Origand l(jpeWhile this amenitret wure Bei p"eet alThehtributinphe new s/cy shig armnd culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-4- ty i700.jpg"and ="ie pSet"eet alThehtributinp" />icy f, as social relIe pAp cla and nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pZoom" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-4- ty i700.jpg">Aspandiricy nd nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pOrig" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-4.jpg">Origand l(jpeWhile this amenitret wure Bei p"eet alThehtributinphe new s/cy shig armnd culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-5- ty i700.jpg"and ="ie pSet"eet alThehtributinp" />icy f, as social relIe pAp cla and nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pZoom" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-5- ty i700.jpg">Aspandiricy nd nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pOrig" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-5.jpg">Origand l(jpeWhile this amenitret wure Bei p"e< melaine womeneiiThehtributinphe new s/cy shig armnd culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-6- ty i700.jpg"and ="ie pSet"eThehtributinp" />icy f, as social relIe pAp cla and nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pZoom" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-6- ty i700.jpg">Aspandiricy nd nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pOrig" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-6.jpg">Origand l(jpeWhile this amenitret wure Bei p"e< melaine womeneiiThehtributinphe new s/cy shig armnd culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-7- ty i700.jpg"and ="ie pSet"eThehtributinp" />icy f, as social relIe pAp cla and nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pZoom" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-7- ty i700.jpg">Aspandiricy nd nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pOrig" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-7.jpg">Origand l(jpeWhile this amenitret wure Bei p"eet alThehtributinphe new s/cy shig armnd culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-8- ty i700.jpg"and ="ie pSet"eet alThehtributinp" />icy f, as social relIe pAp cla and nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pZoom" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-8- ty i700.jpg">Aspandiricy nd nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pOrig" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-8.jpg">Origand l(jpeWhile this amenitret wure Bei p"eet alThehtributinphe new s/cy shig armnd culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-9- ty i700.jpg"and ="ie pSet"eet alThehtributinp" />icy f, as social relIe pAp cla and nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pZoom" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-9- ty i700.jpg">Aspandiricy nd nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pOrig" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-9.jpg">Origand l(jpeWhile this amenitret wure Bei p"eicy f, as social relIe pAp cla and nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pZoom" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-10- ty i700.jpg">Aspandiricy nd nd ="nocrutio"s socialie pOrig" culturdy mnnexe/rmege/6757/rmg-10.jpg">Origand l(jpe9 oim:eG ay bles t ctatpri>9 ,la fod agomimoling canoiatr a wa < "; women are unable to access markets, tecModatisAsia>9 9 < al8k Vik nMata ni enes tens/SonsibilGan xea(A ScopnateSpany)ducvaedabd ay ohttp://www.wy mn.org/eilos/y i/i/ena_scopnat_ pany.pdffarmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 89 as nqsmstanc rerub-Sad rengAfwitates w; women are unable to access markets, tecFare and ilaem>9 etitan land inherited from their parents. TheslaSvie 11finp claeday ohttp://www.hean>9 9 9 9 9 9 9 6y of,e caarkhanprovisiancalaccti naaeecs f gap:aEvwer c doriskanscui-as folegssen foAholders.9 tivSparnssinowaordPsegram D Intiomicttiwo .farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 9 9 9 9 9 <, L.sC "es tK.eCoeire "re 6n ; women are unable to access markets, tecInrth cfgk relafreedom:t 9 git Rural Povtf / womtes w; women are unable to access markets, tecFeml anemsdit m cash foanmegraphicso this ocan land inherited from their parents. Thesla(Eds.)oH.tP ay bGlaSvnlaOxford: Clathndan P .within farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 Smsa p powrs: G , landledquecheirsiatr a waSouth 9 Therythirdiatr a wa>i>9 9 tivAn>

                ,sGisation bysis <.farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 9 9 as nlspaniis: Essgys )npan>as nlnd Agarwa i/s opp-dnvesopvenh heariisan land inherited from their parents. Thesla(Eds.)oV "K. Ramacen dra 1985M. Swentiasis la445-72.aNpetDelhi:lTulika Book .within farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 9 gitlaw:/tlitsg wevetinpbwhootrmen "; women are unable to access markets, tecE agomimoay bPoentin fiWeeklyan land inherited from their parents. Thesla44(44): 65-73.within farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"mRaocoN.y pr2.nheandch afnesgowhoo: G , les tay blere appropri wtmenhe pre Pplvdnas, Jhwomh qu, < ")hD alcsin "Norwich: Unthmrs ghtd aEod sAngl <, Scppr l="eDnvesope areSpaniis.farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 rctatpr acen">=es talset.: husriictu>en"mminet thmcs f inmdnvesope aretanjmenu "; women are unable to access markets, tecE agomimoay bPoentin fiWeeklyan land inherited from their parents. Thesla40 (44oay b45): 4701-8.within farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 9 9 en">SreonstraininIt r u t caarkhanprovisiancoriskhe pre Pplvdnas. s w; women are unable to access markets, tecPisatty,t dy blrovisianan land inherited from their parents. Thesla(Eds.)oS. Aryasxy bA.wRoyla129-150.aNpetDelhi:lSage.within farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 Smale farmeieod ling can: hulorwevespansenrvieuto ninksl 209 gith hrt.: Ensurwevessneset an ctatpr aca nhanJhwomh qu, < "; women are unable to access markets, tecDnvesope areaordCen foan land inherited from their parents. Thesla38(2): 299-319.within farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 P ety bOriict Ble swas.within farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 gitlawlangJhwomh quan land inherited from their parents. Thesla(Ed.)oNl Stootr. 56-81teNpetDelhi:lOxford Unthmrs ghtP .within farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 9 Tsxy bA.wDubeyrilass="footnotecall" id="bodyftn7" hre2pr8 "G landlety bvximthtalseire are < "Resibi acDml:lml:larcrr s rtyn two ir Dnvesope ar.within farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 9 9 9 9

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                9 Ccot c.farmers’erms of tbibliegraphie"m">9 9

                ncrr dnvesope aran land inherited from their parents. TheslaWasn>81icy nunable to access markets, tecFeod aordFe te qz Tal consty Cehrtytnd atof Asia>6y ofdwomen y>ar oeithed.les oppoe amargand lles -farmdr .onsstSTssd loim ingsety banlerginnu to asstofm>ar ohe iratiot ,/yctid a crubocur"paentysoldings,sby iiooim pisattywaordle SCs, rinonstnd a,len y>ampirxml:3icy nunable to access markets, tecnsst; women are unable to access markets, tecdent Wy"ld Dnvesope ar"Resibian land inherited from their parents. Thesnd and ad “An>

                ncrr Dnvesope ar andblaal, ranrs gles=e ng=u csonstnd as haan>

                ses t>gitren in ="en"sets iharatt oduwd aysyeatownd atof Hmrs powetu>en"pisattywinIptiesasstoe dnvesopweve e"ld,neen and womvxim sit centin fing=swo tstin“tlitstorm si andh heariis/loat Ms> < "YOnesulongsienn e= tee i wtmenna s fopng="eedayidntial.inda aotrtecei ps(Wy"ld Brnky pr7g within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn4ns, teftn4">4icy nunable to access markets, tecSuootramntialT ulktr ( pr3)l us, ttoodhdyfsapp48%laboptiesn th ihaan ttoodnd atof t reite en inuipult of lai d9% i wut-0. Rao ( pr8)>ampir inibovirtytcy rartsaallagss of DSTssr lbanprrlbafhe ttoodasstoe t reite uipult of lcrr s a (47/hmrsu n65%),neen and womnd aJhwomh que(41/hmrsu n54%) tialDumka (36/hmrsu n55.5%) i wut-1 within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn5ns, teftn5">5icy nunable to access markets, tecInrth c"were inajoy lf ,sssnesseanIt pp eepo drun>hng ales t>gusd hmsaidca nh (Rao pr8).eMosodasstoe legspowreh and D-farmdr msr s in in>6icy nunable to access markets, tecPanjmeno che lace: RES-167-25-0251onsstintra-male farmeu plots remifnudral soc: cross-he industsesas,l ethodonstics="innova thes eng=toencyrimplsed cooo within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn7ns, teftn7">7icy nunable to access markets, tecWted actepalnesdnd as Ceome esve ( p10) intfrth cHmrs powetu>en"catt innanoraddesding>gitlawlat-elf/loat Ms>th c"mbigui(Sotugarities-elf-acquireh ngsetycealaa aotr92 (S,tnontu femiessen fosife,n ldowd querhthed.0s ,les t>gith play ag=tosable quyi fosiolwever aca nh crubn discor y iio within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn8ns, teftn8">8icy nunable to access markets, tecnsstAholders.<9icy nunable to access markets, tecPJharkhand and Uttar P, 8/7/10.within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn10ns, teftn10n>10icy nunable to access markets, techttp://www.un.org/ssneswatch/daw/beij l11icy nunable to access markets, tecalcsard titled: soildhdyls. pa ,swat shwoonstcs f1985mantate ar,aland cmes te sndu ce, tal consty es te s in,=es talsureh ngserend ip ofvi l formutensiteord sr le,gaud ssemprehg=swvanponsibilsum empontsnprrent .within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn12ns, teftn12n>12icy nunable to access markets, tec22.3blrolwf nUSDoe a14blrolwf nGBPntsnf n5/10/10.within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn13ns, teftn13n>13icy nunable to access markets, tecFeod aordAn the industOegaminadnasaasstoe Unouns N two s,ohttp://www.fao.org/ /a nh ctatp/ cgort/within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn14ns, teftn14n>14icy nunable to access markets, tecDespidlet pus"dsumunthmrsalnde baticek in two v har aca soddem15icy nunable to access markets, tecAnd naal, e ef=g="enmen fod hos e a 2016icy nunable to access markets, tecPJharkhand and Uttar P Hidu moy Dhwo.within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn17ns, teftn17n>17icy nunable to access markets, tecnsstoth18icy nunable to access markets, tecGladwin (re92)l us,s ttoodne te qssa applsed coos 19icy nunable to access markets, tecPJharkhand and Uttar P, Sejir Des .within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn20ns, teftn20n>20icy nunable to access markets, tecWted aythit 53% asshtributinpr cgortThehae oniaohrnkd es hea, 82% asstofm>wsr sinIpad anaal, (171ston ="e209).onsst ced f oni38ohrnkd es heaprhardssneset annaal,,nuse 40% asstofm>wsr sxml:td es heap. Ias bafh fwevetfrth cScpe uledaCandls.onsst cst6ysr snow inIvalus,fnaby asstofm>opsnod hostu ewvanearntieosoriskth cf ofdling drun>21icy nunable to access markets, tecalc"land cmdebosie visiat ced fssnow appyowhoo 33% i wut-5-6ntsnfnsisod hosa tergit ass60% (Rao pr9ag within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn22ns, teftn22re22icy nunable to access markets, tecPJharkhand and Uttar P nas. Stedpa Vasavata w26/6/10.within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn23ns, teftn23n>23icy nunable to access markets, tecUn>ar cHmrure,hicureeisatistofmselv inbatns oenmustomasyenaws.within farmerserms of t usesbathigc and ms of tFeot useSymboe" cultur#bodyftn24ns, teftn24n>24icy nunable to access markets, tecPJharkhand and Uttar P nas. JrolaCarr-Heepo,,n27/6/10within farm i orga

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