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OpenEdition Books

Des Indes occidentales à l’Amérique Latine. Volume 2

 | 
Thomas Calvo
, 
Alain Musset

Vie politique et enjeux de pouvoir

Hipólito Villarroel: some unanswered questions

Woodrow Borah

Texte intégral

  • 1 Genaro Estrada. Introducción to Villaroel, Enfermedades políticas, 3rd ed.. Miguel Angel Porrúa, M (...)
  • 2 George P. Hammond ed., A Guide to the Manuscript Collection of the Bancroft Library. Il, Universit (...)

1The aura of mystery surrounding the Enfermedades politicas que padece la capital de esta Nueva España and its author has been dispelled only in part by the research of half a century. Composed two hundred years ago, the work is an acid description of Mexico in the closing years of the Bourbon administration, brilliantly written and displaying an intimate knowledge of Church, state, and people. For a century it was known, except to readers of the manuscript copies, only in the less than faithful transcription published by Carlos María Bustamante in 1830-1831, who named no author1. When I was a graduate student in the 1930's in Berkeley. Professor Herbert I. Priestley could indeed name the author. Lic. Hipólito Villarroel, since the manuscript copy of the work in the Bancroft Library bore an autograph signature. The Bancroft Library copy. part of the Hubert Howe Bancroft collection, had been bought at the sale of the library of José Fernández Ramírez in 1880, but whence Ramírez obtained it is unknown2. Professor Priestley often wondered who Villarroel was, where he had obtained his knowledge, and how he had come to write an admittedly bitter book. Many other scholars thought the name fictitious, a pen name to conceal the authorship of a work that might evoke sharp reprisal if it became public. As late as 1981 people could be found holding that view.

  • 3 P. 509-510.
  • 4 Volume 2 176. exp. 1. Simpson’s film of the expediente is in the Bancroft Library in volume 6 of h (...)
  • 5 José Antonio Calderón Quijano ed.. Los virreyes de Nueva España en el reinado de Carlos III. EEHA, (...)

2Meanwhile, in 1937 Alessio Robles unearthed in the ramo of Tierras in the Mexican Archivo General de la Nación a legal report dated in Saltillo. 6 June 1769, signed by Lic. Don Hipolito Ruiz Villarroel. Juez Comisario appointed by Viceroy the Marqués de Croix. Alessio Robles, discovery came in time for it to be reported in an appendix to the second edition of the Enfermedades poticas, under the editorship of Genaro Estrada3. From then on more details testifying to the existence of Lic. Hipólito Villarroel began to corne to light. Professor Lesley Byrd Simpson found capítulos against him as alcalde mayor of Tlapa in the Mexican national archive’s ramo of Civil4. In Spain scholars writing a collective history of the viceroys of New Spain during the later Bourbon period, under the general direction of José Antonio Calderón Quijano, unearthed in the Archivo General de Indias both reports on his activities and reports by him5. Finally, in 1981-82 I was able to find further details on his career and even locate the entry on his death and burial in the Sagrario of Mexico City. So we know that the man existed and that he was certainly the author.

  • 6 Woodrow Borah. «Alguna luz sobre el autor de las Enfermedades políticas». Estudios de Historia Nov (...)

3Nevertheless, Villarroel remains an obscure figure, for we know only episodes of his official career. His early life and education, the circumstances that led to his writing an insightful diatribe of enduring validity, his plans for the work; in short, a great deal more than we now know remain blank. Yet from the text itself and from the manuscripts, we may tease out some scraps of information. Once questions have been raised, scholars may be moved in future decades to search for and perhaps find answers. The author of the Enfermedades políticas has to date been unfortunate in the editions of his opus. The first by Carlos Maria Bustamante ran as supplements to La Voz de la Patria, which were then issued in 1831 in a volume of 178 pages under the title. México por Dentro y Fuera bajo el Gobierno de los Virreyes o sea enfermedades poticas, etc. The edition lacks part 6 and contains such variations as Bustamante’s caprice dictated. Between the supplements to La Voz de la Patria and the volume published in 1831, the number of copies in Bustamante’s edition cannot be known but must have been several hundred. The volume might have been issued in a hundred copies, a fairly large printing for the day; the supplements have largely disappeared. So have many copies of the volume6.

  • 7 The history of the first two editions and of the manuscripts may be found in Estrada, Introducción (...)
  • 8 Villarroel, 3rd ed., 22 page introduction by Aurora Arnáiz Amigo, unnumbered, and colophon.

4More than a century later, in 1937, the Bibliófilos Mexicanos published a second edition of fifty copies in a careful rendering of the text, including part 6. The edition was under the guidance of Genaro Estrada, who provided a scholarly introduction giving a history of the previous edition, listing the known manuscript copies, and recounting his unavailing efforts to find out who Villarroel was. At the last minute a two-page appendix was added to the end of the volume, quoting Alessio Robles’ communication7. The third edition, issued in 1979 by Miguel Angel Porrúa, in five hundred copies reproduces in facsimile the 1937 edition and adds an introduction and bibliography by Aurora Arnáiz Amigo, which is to be regarded as a literary essay rather than an addition to scholarly apparatus8. A second printing in 1982 added another five hundred copies. The total number of copies in all three editions and the 1982 reimpression comes to perhaps 1150 plus whatever the supplements to La Voz de la Patria might amount to. Many have long disappeared, so that the total number of copies existant is probably less than I 150. The book is kept out of the popular market and reading by a broad public through expense and rarity. Some day it may become available in a good cheap edition and its contents, still applicable to present-day Mexico for the most part, better known.

  • 9 Estrada, Introducción, p. viii-xiv.

5Villarroel did not plan publication in his day, one surmises. The work survives in three clean manuscript copies, obviously prepared by eighteenth-century professional copyists, whose writing bears no resemblance to that of the signature on the Bancroft manuscript. The three are in the Biblioteca Nacional of Mexico City, the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid, and the Bancroft Library of the University of California. Although Bustamante did not indicate the source from which he drew his text, it must have been the manuscript of the Mexican Biblioteca Nacional, which is equally without part 6 and without any indication of author. Il is a large manuscript of 151 pages. The source for the excellent edition guided by Genaro Estrada is the copy in the Spanish Biblioteca Nacional. That consists of four small volumes of 738 pages in all. The manuscript in the Bancroft Library, equally complete, also consists of four small volumes, and bears the dating Mexico City, 1 July 1787, and the signature of Lic. Hipólito Villarroel9. How many manuscript copies in all may have been prepared, we cannot know with any certainty, but there were at least these three. All must have been at the cost of Villarroel, from the draft that he himself wrote. That draft has disappeared; it probably was destroyed once the first clean copy had been made of the first five parts, and the draft of part 6 when it, too, had been copied. From the meager evidence of the manuscripts and the fact that Villarroel died in 1794, we may infer that he did not plan publication of his chef- d’œuvre, at least in his lifetime, that he had a clean copy prepared of the first five parts when he had finished drafting them in early May 1785. That would be the manuscript in the Mexican Biblioteca Nacional.

  • 10 Borah. «Alguna luz...». p. 54-55, 59-60 and 68-70.
  • 11 Herbert Ingram Priestley, José de Gálvez, Visitor-General of New-Spain (1765-1771). University of (...)

6When Villarroel wrote part 6 on the Ordenanza de Intendentes for New Spain, issued in December 1786, he had the other two manuscript copies prepared. The one dated 1 July 1787. he evidently retained; it was this one which eventually passed to José Fernando Ramirez and to the Bancroft Library. The other copy, unsigned and undated, might have been for a personage at the court in Madrid whom he could trust to use it discreetly and carefully, for in part 6 Villarroel marshalled forceful arguments against key features of the Ordenanza de Intendentes, especially the replacement of the alcaldes mayores by subdelegados and the abolition of the repartimiento de mercancías. It is not possible that the personage was the formidable Minister for the Indies, José de Gálvez, Marqués de Sonora, and promoter of the Ordenanza, whom Villarroel had served in a number of posts during Gálvez, general inspection of New Spain, and who must have helped him in some ways as patron10. The death of Gálvez on 17 June 1787 would have been no bar since it could not have been known in Mexico City for at least a month after the event and perhaps later, but the minister’s known intolerance of opposition to his projects on the part of inferiors11 clearly precludes the possibility. The likelihood would be that the personage was the friend of the preliminary letter, who is discussed later in this essay. Villarroel’s sending one copy to Spain would best explain the manuscript’s lodging in the Spanish Biblioteca Nacional. If I am right in these conjectures, the author envisaged a limited circulation among influential people in the royal administration and so hoped to affect the course of Bourbon reforms.

7Of the life of the author we know little except for a listing of the official posts he held and what may be gleaned from his own text. He was born in Castilla la Vieja, a detail a priest of the Mexico City Sagrario noted on the registry of death and burial when Villarroel died. We know nothing of his parents or family relationships other than that his father presumably held the surname Rodríguez and his mother that of Villarroel. Like many other Iberians, the author in later life preferred to drop the more plebeian patronymic in favor of his more distinctive matronymic. From his writings we glean that he wrote good Spanish easily, that he had learned Latin, and that he had had an excellent formation in Spanish legal literature. He must have earned the title of Licenciado in Spain before migrating to Mexico. His licenciatura suggests that he studied successfully in one of the universities or colegios mayores which were empowered to confer the degree. That he could secure an excellent education and the licenciatura further would indicate that his family was sufficiently affluent to pay his expenses and that they might even have enjoyed status as hidalgos. The title of Don that the Licenciado displayed may have come from hereditary status rather than from pursuing an honorable profession in the more tolerant atmosphere of the New World.

  • 12 Horst Pietschmann, «Alcaldes mayores, Corregidores und Subdelegados. Zum Problem der Distriktsbeam (...)
  • 13 Antonio Domínguez Ortiz. Sociedad y estado en el siglo xviii español, Ariel, Barcelona and Mexico. (...)

8The details of Villarroel’s career and the ideas that he expresses fit a dating of his birth between 1715 and 1725, for he became alcalde mayor of the province of Cuautla Amilpas about 1761, some time after completing his legal training. Purchase of the post must have been negotiated in Madrid12, that fact of purchase implying a certain amount of capital either on the part of our Licenciado or his family. Assumption of the post may have been the cause of his migrating to Mexico. Further, his prose contains the ideas appropriate to the first generation of the Spanish Enlightenment, that is, the generation of the great ministers of Carlos III: Aranda, Campomanes, Floridablanca, and José de Galvez. Like them he was imbued with absolute loyalty to the monarchy; he was a devout Catholic but opposed to excesses of cult and popular devotion; like them he was firmly regalist and would limit the power of the Church to the profit of that of the Crown. He was strongly nationalist, in favor of restoring Spain to status as a power of first rank relative to Great Britain, in particular, and to that end would weld empire and Peninsula into a unified national system, with new industries to replace imports, able to furnish funds and power to the capital. Logic and reason should solve problems and make institutions function well. These were ideas circulating at the time in cafés and tertulias in Spain rather than in the universities and colegios mayores, as yet unreformed. In New Spain they did not circulate greatly until after 1768 and then led to the formation of a group of enlightened Creoles, who aimed at the enhancement of life and the creation of power in a smaller patria, namely, Mexico13. Villarroel clearly belonged to the Enlightenment as it arose in the Peninsula, aimed at enhancing the efficiency and power of Spain and its monarch.

  • 14 Borah. «Alguna luz...». p. 64-67. 71-72 and passim.
  • 15 David A. Brading. Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, 1763-1810. Cambridge University Press. C (...)
  • 16 For example, Enfermedades, p. 89-93.
  • 17 Ibid., p. 58-59. 96. 110. 115 and 148-149.
  • 18 Ibid., p. 465-482.
  • 19 Brian R. Hamnett. Política y comercio en el sur de México. 1750-1821. lnstituto mexicano de comerc (...)
  • 20 Enfermedades. p. 58-59.

9In his personal life, he was solitary and austere. The burial certificate lists him as soltero. He impressed his contemporaries in the few comments on him we have as hardworking, harsh in his judgments and in the sentences he recommended as asesor of the Acordada, and a formidable person to eross. Since no major vices were alleged against him by his enemies, except for the extortions normal to the governor of a province, one has the impression of a sober lile14. If so, he conformed to the stercotype of the Spanish immigrant come to America to make his fortune: austere, economical. Hardworking, and devout15. Villarroel’s book and other writings are suffused with a high sense of his own virtue and the vices of much of the world around him, especially the lower classes. The Indians, he found unreliable, filthy, lazy16; the sentiments on their behalf of lawyers and administrators new-come from Spain, misguided and counterproductive17. In this matter of the Indians, he departed from his patron. Jose de Gálvez, for Villarroel thought the repartimiento de mercancías necessary to bring the Indians into the economic system of the empire and that abolishing it would merely lead them to produce for their own subsistence alone18. His verdict later was echoed by Bishop Bergosa y Jordán of Oaxaca and borne out by the decline in products dependent on the repartimiento, such as cochineal19. The incidents of his own life are reflected in his scorn for officials new-come from Spain: «... como los ministros de todas clases, que se envían a las Indias para la administration de la justicia [...] cada uno piensa que sólo es destinado a avasallar al genero humano, sin tampoco abatir su orgullo a preguntar lo que ignora, sino que todo lo saben...20«

  • 21 Ibid., p. 85-86.

10In his violent opposition to the Juzgado General de Indios21: in his criticism of petifogging insistence upon every detail of proper judicial procedure in criminal trials:

  • 22 Ibid., p. 110.
  • 23 Ibid., p. 115.

«... a título de los precisos trámites judiciales se eternizan los negocios multiplicando sin necesidad las entidades, los costos y el tiempo hasta perder enteramente a los litigantes22. El [fiscal] del crimen como no da cuenta al rey de las alteraciones que padecen las leves en esta línea, quedando burlado su espíritu por anteponersele en el de una piedad mal entendida, cual es la que se ejecuta con muchos reos que se ven libres de sus delitos con escándalo del público, cuando parecerían más bien en el patíbulo para escarmiento de otros...23.

  • 24 Ibid., p. 147-152.
  • 25 Ibid., p. 46-57 and 483-490.
  • 26 Ibid., p. 53.

11In his high opinion of the Acordada (of which he was asesor), and his proposal to establish a similar tribunal in the Audiencia of Guadalajara24. His proposais regarding the Indians are, to our eyes, a strange mixture of practicality, conservatism, farsightedness, and defense of exploitation. He urged a return to the policy of congregation but also wrote of the need to teach the Indians Spanish. He condemned the Indians as lazy, unreliable, given to vice, lying, and drunkenness: but also admitted that they were unduly exploited especially by the secular clergy and their lands stolen. He would have distributed land to them without regard to the limitation of the six hundred vara fundo legal, but would also permit free settlement of Spaniards and other non-Indians in Indian towns, in other words, formal abandonment of the policy of separation of the republics and legal recognition of the mingling of races that was already occurring25. Of the litigiousness of the Indians, he commented: «No hay en la redondez del orbe paraje donde se ventilen más pleitos sobre tierras, siendo así que son inmensos los sitios eriazos y despoblados que se encuentren en este nuevo mundo26

  • 27 Brading, op. cit., p. 25-26.
  • 28 Theorica, y practica de comercio, y de marina, en diferentes discursos, y calificados exemplares, (...)
  • 29 Restablecimiento de las fabricas, y comercio español: errores que se padecen en las causales de su (...)
  • 30 Proyecto economico, en que se proponen varias providencias, dirigidas a promover los intereses de (...)

12As one reads the Enfermedades, one is quickly aware that, despite the vigor and indeed savagery of the description of many abuses, the book really belongs to a wellknown category of writing in seventeenth and eighteenth-century Spanish literature, arbitrismo and its much more respectable eighteenth-century form, proyectismo. Arbitrismo, more prominent in the seventeenth century proposed often extravagant and difficult projects of reform: proyeetismo, prominent in the eighteenth century examined the ills of the uncoördinated economic and political system inherited from the Hapsburgs and proposed the development of a relatively complete imperial system imitating the successful colonial policies of England and France. The most prominent writers within this genre were Jose del Campillo y Cosío27. Gerónimo de Uztáriz28, Bernardo de Ulloa29, and Bernardo Ward30, all peninsulares. Villarroel, although writing in Mexico and limiting himself to the one colony, clearly belongs to the genre. His proposais aim at a more efficient administration, a more productive economy, increased royal power, and the augmentation of Spanish world prestige. Whatever his quarrels with fellow royal officials, he lived and died a loyal subject of the Crown – at least by his lights.

  • 31 P. 25
  • 32 Priestley, op. cit., p. 1.
  • 33 P. 385.
  • 34 P. 410.
  • 35 P. 30.
  • 36 P. 29

13The circumstances of the composition of the Enfermedades and the precipitating cause for writing it present problems that are not easy of solution and, indeed, for the most part cannot now be solved. The first part bears the letters «S. D. J. A. G.» and the enigmatic Latin statement, «Non ego cuncta cano», «I do not sing [or tell] all31». Presumably the letters are a dedication. One would be tempted to read them as Señor Don Jose A. Gálvez except that the Minister for the Indies did not have a middle name starting with A. (he was baptized Jose Bernardo), and neither so far as is recorded did any immediate member of his family32. So the matter of the dedication remains unresolved for the present. The writing of the Enfermedades was carried out relatively rapidly according to the dates which the author has put on parts of the work. Parts 1 -4 were finished by 6 April 1785, the date which appears at the end of part 433. Part 5 was finished by 12 May 178534, and the Carta del Autor de esta obra a un Amigo by 20 May 178535. Since part 5 in the printed edition on Genaro Estrada occupies pages 389 to 410, or a matter of twenty-one pages and required five wecks to write, parts 1 -4, filling pages 31 to 387, or 356 pages must have taken far longer, namely, all of the first months of 1784 and probably a considerable part of 1783. We know that in those months the author as asesor interino of the tribunal of the Acordada was busy dealing with impressive and oppressive arrears of cases which must have demanded most of his time and have left him little leisure for other activities. He himself states as much: «Y tomando la pluma en aquellos cortos espacios que me dejan libres mis pesadas tareas, estampé en el papel las observaciones que mis cortas luces han podido divisar sobre cada una de las materias que tratan36

14To be sure he was a trained lawyer, with long experience in the preparation of legal briefs and pleas and in the rapid organization of material in logical form. Nevertheless, the complexity and length of the matter in the Enfermedades and the acuity of Villarroel’s observations indicate a long period of examination and reflection antecedent to his embarking upon committing his ideas to paper. Again the author states such a process himself in the preface: he spent much time in discussing the problems and ills of the capital as well as the remedies that might be applied for their cure with a dear friend in conversaciones familiares:

  • 37 P. 27-30.

«Qué vivamente y con qué eficacia se me han venido a la memoria en la ausencia de v.m. (carisimo amigo mío) aquellas conversaciones familiares, que eran el objeto de nuestra diversión y pasatiempo. Cuántos esfuerzos no he hecho para divertir mi fantasía procurando retraerla y fijaria sólo en aquellas materias melancólicas, funestas y nada deleitables de mi destino. Pero parece que una fuerza superior me arrastraba con violencia a no poner la imaginación en otra cosa, que en reducir a compendio aquellas providencias económicas y gubernativas, que a nuestras cortas luces se hacían tan asequibles como necesarias para el lustre y esplendor de esta capital, para la comodidad de sus habitantes, como para la buena administración de la justicia, que a nuestro modo de pensar se hallaba tan abatida en los juzgados eclesiásticos y seculares. Confiésole a v.m. con toda la ingenuidad que debo, que aunque en este asunto caminábamos acordes y movidos de un propio celo y que fueron muy repetidas las instancias que me hizo a su partida, para que formase un extracto de los defectos mas substanciales que habíamos advertido en cada uno de los establecimientos políticos, civiles y militares de esta capital; y. sin embargo, también de las repitidas instrucciones de v.m. mirando a mejor luz el empeño que iba a tomar, no me podrá negar los esfuerzos que he hecho para contenerme y disuadir a v.m. igualmente de la concebida idea de la formación del citado extracto. [...] Estas consideraciones me hicieron tal impresión en el ánimo, que propuse separarme del asunto aunque fuese a costa de perder su amistad: pero supo v.m. redargüirme con tanta energía y pintarme con tan vivos colores la precisión en que me hallaba de ejecutarlo, pues de otra suerte no cumpliría con las leyes de la buena amistad y que por otra parte faltaría a las de buen vasallo del Rey Nuestro Señor [...] La idea es la que v.m. verá; pero debe considerarla en perspectiva al modo de teatro de comedia, en que sólo se divisa la decoración, porque si v.m. se acerca a reconocer el fondo y lo que ocultan los bastidores, no encontrará más que zoquetes, troncos, escorcias y basuras entre los que representan la escena [...] He resuelto, por último, poner a este papel el título de Enfermedades Políticas por los motivos que v.m. no ignora; y supuesto a que me dice in la última suya, que tiene proporción para valentearlo y que por un sabio médico se apliquen los remedios oportunos a la curación de algunas de las enfermedades de que adolece este cuerpo político, se lo dirijo a v.m. para que haga de él el uso que le parezca, a consecuencia de los vivísimos deseos que me asisten de que se logren los fines a que se dirige, el de continuar yo en su apreciable amistad y el de que me imponga las órdenes de su agrado37

15This prefatory letter to a friend indicates that Villarroel had long, intimate conversations with a very dear friend. who is not named, in which what became the content of the Enfermedades Políticas was sketched out and brought into order, that the two men found themselves in agreement on the ills and problems they discussed, that the friend repeatedly urged, indeed instructed. Villarroel to write the essay, that before leaving Mexico City for good (which suggests departure for Spain) he repeated his enjoinder: and that in the last letter of what must have been continuing correspondence, the friend once again urged writing the essay with the encouragement that he had «proportion para valentearlo.» The conversations must have taken place after Villarroel completed his term as alcalde mayor of the province of Tlapa and returned to Mexico City in the latter part of 1779 and the last months of 1783 when he assumed the function of asesor interino of the tribunal of the Acordada. Who the friend was, again we have no way of knowing beyond the fact that it could not have been José de Gálvez and that it must have been a Spaniard probably fairly high in the entourage of Gálvez followers. Perhaps a future discovery of the correspondence will bring the name to light, which may well fit the initials J.A.G. The one point that is clearly established is that Villarroel had mulled over and arrived at a fairly clear idea of the material as it became the text of the Enfermedades políticas.

16Villarroel survived the completion of his opus by nearly seven years, for he died on 30 March 1794. The entry in the register of deaths of the Mexico City Sagrario makes it clear that he had time to receive the last sacraments and so presumably to dictate and sign a will. That will should have contained the customary information on parentage, birth, and perhaps details of relationship in the bequests, but a search among the sixty- one Mexico City notaries of those years whose records are in the Archivo de Notarías of the Distrito Federal, the notations of wills and testaments kept by the Sagrario priests, and the records of the Juzgado de Bienes de Difuntos of the Mexican Archivo General de la Nación located nothing. The same mystery that has hidden so much of Villarroel’s life extends to his testament.

Notes

1 Genaro Estrada. Introducción to Villaroel, Enfermedades políticas, 3rd ed.. Miguel Angel Porrúa, Mexico. 1979. p. vii-viii.

2 George P. Hammond ed., A Guide to the Manuscript Collection of the Bancroft Library. Il, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles. 1972. p. 252: Estrada. Introducción, p. viii-ix.

3 P. 509-510.

4 Volume 2 176. exp. 1. Simpson’s film of the expediente is in the Bancroft Library in volume 6 of his film copies.

5 José Antonio Calderón Quijano ed.. Los virreyes de Nueva España en el reinado de Carlos III. EEHA, Sevilla, 1967-1968, 2 vol., vol. 1: p. 222-225, vol. Il: p. 313-316.

6 Woodrow Borah. «Alguna luz sobre el autor de las Enfermedades políticas». Estudios de Historia Novohispana. VIII. 1985, p. 51-79; Archivo del Sagrario, Mexico. Libro de los Difuntos Españoles, n 30. f. 108, entry of 31 March 1794.

7 The history of the first two editions and of the manuscripts may be found in Estrada, Introducción, p. v-xv and 509-510, apéndice to the text.

8 Villarroel, 3rd ed., 22 page introduction by Aurora Arnáiz Amigo, unnumbered, and colophon.

9 Estrada, Introducción, p. viii-xiv.

10 Borah. «Alguna luz...». p. 54-55, 59-60 and 68-70.

11 Herbert Ingram Priestley, José de Gálvez, Visitor-General of New-Spain (1765-1771). University of California Press. Berkeley, 1916. p. 10. 216-233. and 275-283.

12 Horst Pietschmann, «Alcaldes mayores, Corregidores und Subdelegados. Zum Problem der Distriktsbeamtenschaft im Vizekönigreich Neuspanien», Jahrbuch fur Geschichte vom Staat. Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas. IX. 1972. p. 244.

13 Antonio Domínguez Ortiz. Sociedad y estado en el siglo xviii español, Ariel, Barcelona and Mexico. 1976. p. 477-478; Jean Sarrailh, La España ilustrada del la segunda mitad del siglo xviii (trans. Antonio Alatorre) PCE. Mexico. 1957. p. 110-151, 413-505 and 573-707: Roberto Moreno de los Arcos. «La historia antigue de León y Gama», Estudios de Historia Novohispana. VII. 1981. p. 52-53 and José Miranda. Humboldt y México. UNAM. Mexico. 1962. p. 11-49.

14 Borah. «Alguna luz...». p. 64-67. 71-72 and passim.

15 David A. Brading. Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, 1763-1810. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, 1971. p. 102-1 14 and 211 -212.

16 For example, Enfermedades, p. 89-93.

17 Ibid., p. 58-59. 96. 110. 115 and 148-149.

18 Ibid., p. 465-482.

19 Brian R. Hamnett. Política y comercio en el sur de México. 1750-1821. lnstituto mexicano de comercio exterior, Mexico. 1976. p. 187-188. José Antonio Calderón Quijano ed.. Los virreyes de Nueva España en el reinado de Carlos IV. EEHA. Sevilla. 1972. 2 vol., vol. I. p. 166-171.

20 Enfermedades. p. 58-59.

21 Ibid., p. 85-86.

22 Ibid., p. 110.

23 Ibid., p. 115.

24 Ibid., p. 147-152.

25 Ibid., p. 46-57 and 483-490.

26 Ibid., p. 53.

27 Brading, op. cit., p. 25-26.

28 Theorica, y practica de comercio, y de marina, en diferentes discursos, y calificados exemplares, que, con especificas providencias, se procuran adaptar a la monarchia española para su prompta restauration... 2d ed., rev.. Imprenta de A. Sanz, Madrid, 1757.

29 Restablecimiento de las fabricas, y comercio español: errores que se padecen en las causales de su decadencia, quales son los legitimos obstaculos que le destruyen, y los medios eficaces de que florezca... 2 vol.. A. Martín. Madrid. 1740.

30 Proyecto economico, en que se proponen varias providencias, dirigidas a promover los intereses de España, con los medios y fondos necesarios para su plantificacion: escrita en el año de 1762... Obra posthuma. 2d ed.. Joachin Ibarra, Madrid. 1779.

31 P. 25

32 Priestley, op. cit., p. 1.

33 P. 385.

34 P. 410.

35 P. 30.

36 P. 29

37 P. 27-30.

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